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NEW YORK : LONDON :

27 & 2g WEST 23D ST. 27 KING WILLIAM ST., STRAND

MEMOIRS

OF THE

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND

FROM A PAINTING BY GREUZE, IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHAIX D'EST-ANGE.

MEMOIRS

OF THE

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND-

EDITED, WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES, BY

THE DUG DE BROGLIE

OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY

TRANSLATED BY

RAPHAEL LEDOS DE BEAUFORT, F.R.HiST.S.

WITH AK INTRODUCTION BY

THE HONORABLE WHITELAW REID

AMERICAN MINISTER IN PARIS

VOLUME I

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INTRODUCTION.

BY THE HON. WHITELAW REID.

The appearance of these memoirs has been long awaited
with much curiosity and some alarm. Their author was believed
to possess more dangerous secrets of high importance than any
other man of his time ; and whether or not he had friends to
reward it was known that he had many enemies to punish.
When it was found that he had forbidden the pubHcation of his
manuscripts until thirty years after his death, the belief in their
compromising and dangerous character was confirmed ; and
when, after the lapse of the required time, they were still
withheld, they began to be looked upon as a species of historical
dynamite, only to be exploded after everybody in danger had
been removed from the field of human activity. But if this
anticipation were disappointed — if it were found that the old
diplomatist had been thinking, as was his wont, of himself
rather even than of his enemies, and if hi.s memoirs should not
teem with scandalous revelations concerning great personages
it was still thought certain that they would undertake to vindi-
cate what had been pourtrayed by French writers and statesmen
as well nigh the most scandalous career of the two centuries to
which it belonged ; and such a vindication, whether successful
or not, would necessarily shed a flood of light on some of the
greatest transactions and some of the most extraordinary men
of modern times.

Whatever effect the memoirs may now have, the place of their
author in history has not hitherto been materially changed in
the fifty-two years that have elapsed since his death. No reve-
lations affecting French annals, from the days preceding the

viii INTRODUCTION.

Revolution of '89 down to the reign of the Citizen King, have
diminished Talleyrand's share in events or modified the accepted
estimates of his work and character. His career was — and it
remains — unparalleled in modern Europe, for length and variety
of distinguished service. Beginning with Louis XVI., from
whom he received his first appointment, and from whom he
went, later, with a letter to the King of England, he served in
all eight known masters, not to reckon a great number of others
who were, at one time or another, said to have him secretly in
their pay. He was President of the Constituent Assembly
which organized the French Revolution. He was sent to
London on a secret mission with a passport from Danton. He
was Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Directory, under the
Consulate, under the Empire, under Louis XVUI., and under
Louis Philippe. In diplomatic skill and success contemporary
public opinion held him the first man of his period ; that is to
say, for half a century the first man in Europe. As to real
influence on affairs, it is doubtful if any minister since can be
said to have exerted more, with the exceptions only of
Bismarck and Cavour. Even they did not cover so wide a
range or deal with such a bewildering variety of negotiations,
extending over so great a time and furthering the views of so
many masters.

Sir Henry Bulwer has a phrase that, in a way, measures him.
" He was the most important man in the Constituent Assembly
after Mirabeau ; and the most important man in the Empire
after Napoleon." But to gauge fairly his extraordinary public
hfe, it must be remembered that he held place and gained in
power for forty years after Mirabeau's death ; and that having
been one of the leading men of France before Napoleon was
heard of, he remained a minister and an ambassador of France
long after Napoleon had eaten out his heart at St. Helena.

Yet in spite of this amazing career, his countrymen have not
been generally disposed to speak well of him. Napoleon said
of him, and to him, that he was a silk stocking filled with filth.
Carnot said, " He brings with him all the vices of the old rtfgwie,
without having been able to acquire any of the virtues of the
new one. He has no fixed principles ; he changes them as he

INTRODUCTION. ix

does his linen, and takes them according to the wind of the day
— a philosopher, when philosophy is the mode ; a republican
now, because that is necessary in order to become anything. To-
morrow he will declare for an absolute monarchy, if he can make
anything out of it. I don't want him at any price." Mirabeau
called him " this vile, base trickster," and again wrote, " It is
dirt and money that he wants. For money he has sold his
honour and his friend. For money he would sell his soul — and
he would be right, for he would be trading muck for gold." The
very member of the Assembly who secured his recall from exile,
Chenier, wrote of him, " This letter of the Abb6 Maurice proves
to me that after having been Anarchist and Orleanist, and not
having been Robespierrist only because Robespierre wouldn't
have him, he has now become a partisan of the Directory. This
limp-foot, without respect for his bishopric, is like a sponge,
which sucks up every liquid into which it is dropped, but, unlike
the sponge, he never gives anything back. Here he is, recalled
from exile yesterday, and proposing proscriptions for to-morrow.
If the Directory wants blood, look out for your head ; — Maurice
will not refuse it.''

Modern French writers, while of course less passionate, have
been apt to agree in admitting his extraordinary venality, his
treachery to his chiefs, and his lack of veracity. Lamartine
admired him, but Louis Blanc was as severe as the bitterest of
his contemporaries. Chateaubriand wrote of him, "When
Monsieur Talleyrand is not conspiring, he is making corrupt
bargains," ^ Guizot said he was a man of the court and of diplo-
macy, — not of government ; that he was indifferent to means and
to the end, almost indifferent provided he found in it a personal
success. And, to quote but one opinion not coming from his
countrymen, Gouverneur Morris said of him, " This man appears
to me polished, cold, tricky, ambitious and bad."

Few men, indeed, spoke well of him. Towards the close of
his life, when he was ambassador in London, an attack was made
upon him in the House of Lords by the Marquis of London-
derry. The Duke of WeUington offered a spirited defence. He
had held official relations with M. de Talleyrand in most critical

1 " Quand Monsieur Talleyrand ne conspire pas, il trafique."

X INTR OD UC TION.

periods. Never had he encountered a man more vigorous and
skilful in protecting the interests of his own country, or one
more upright and honourable in his attitude towards other
countries. Talleyrand was found the next day reading the report
of this debate with tears in his eyes ; and he said to his visitor,
" I am all the more grateful to the Duke, since he is the one
statesman in the world who has ever spoken well of me."

Later, while the diplomatist, now a very old man, was still
in office, in the reign of Louis Philippe, Alexandre Sall6 published
in Paris a volume, undertaking to give an " impartial history of
Talleyrand's political life." It bore upon its title-page as a
motto, a verse by Barthelemy, which may be roughly rendered
thus : " The incarnate lie, the living perjury, Prince de Benevent ;
impenitent Judas, anointed with the sacred oil, he opens his
career by betraying God himself. Alike at the altar and at the
Court, the double apostate treats the State as he treated the
Church." The introduction to this same work concludes with
the story that Louis XVIII. when asked to express his opinion
about his famous Foreign Minister, replied by quoting some
lines of Corneille regarding Richelieu, of which this is the
substance : " He has done me too much good that I should
speak ill of him, and too much harm that I should speak well of
him." ^

The evil in a public man's life is apt to attract wider attention
than the good, and certainly his countrymen have made no
exception to this rule in Talleyrand's favour. Taking his career
from their records, what an extraordinary portrait is presented !
Here are a few of the lines in it : —

A profligate priest, who owed his start in life to an ill-
flavoured joke about the immorality of Paris, made in the
drawing-room of Madame du Barry, the king's favourite.

A bishop who was forced into the public journals to explain
that the money he had recently made in gambling was not won
in gambling houses, but in clubs ; and that it was not so much
as reported — being only 30,000 francs, instead of six or seven
hundred thousand.

* " II m'a fait trop de bien pour en dire du mal,
11 m'a fait trop de mal pour en dire du bien."

INTRODUCTION. xi

A confidential friend of Mirabeau, yet accused of poisoning
him.

A minister, and for years the intimate of Napoleon, yet
suspected of a plot to assassinate him.

A great statesman whose enormous and continuous receipt of
bribes from the beginning to the end of his long career is
unquestioned.

A trusted Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, while in office
under the Directory, thwarted their measures and plotted for
the coup d'etat of Napoleon ; who, while in office under Napoleon,
conspired with the Emperors of Russia and Austria to defeat
his plans, and plotted for the return of the Bourbons ; who, while
in office under Louis XVIII. schemed for his overthrow, and for
the accession of Louis Philippe.

The Constituent Assembly forbade his return to France.
Pitt expelled him from England. Washington refused to receive
him in America. The Pope excommunicated him.

And yet he lived to be summoned back to France and
appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs for the revolutionary
government ; lived to return to England as ambassador from
France, with the prestige of the most distinguished living diplo-
matist, to meet with a reception which could scarcely have been
more respectful if he had been a crowned head ; lived to give
notice to the American Ministers Plenipotentiary in Paris that
they must buy peace or leave the country ; lived to have the ■
Pope's excommunication withdrawn, and died in the odour of
sanctity, with his king at his bedside, and the blessings of the
Cardinal of Paris.

Many of the lineaments in this strange portrait drawn by
the French historians are not to be much changed. There is
little chance to erase the licentiousness, the treachery, the deceit,
the monstrous venality. In recalling them, however, it must
always be remembered that he can be only fairly judged by the
standard of his time, which was lax to a degree we can hardly
comprehend, especially with reference to the first of these vices
and the last. When the American Commissioners resented
Talleyrand's demand for a bribe of 250,000 dollars for himself
and a bigger one called a loan, for the Directory, his representa-

xi i INTROD UCTION.

tive said naively, " Don't you know that everything is bought in
Paris ? Do you dream that you can get on with this Govern-
ment without paying your way ? "

It must be further remembered and to his honour, that while
he may be said to have betrayed her rulers, he never betrayed
France. On the contrary, when he was secretly thwarting his
masters, he was often helping his country. On notable occa-
sions he rendered her service of incomparable value, and almost
saved her from destruction as a first-class European power.

It was a touching eulogy pronounced on him at his death in
varying phrases by both Thiers and Mignet, that he had always
shown an aversion to persecutions and violence, and that he had
never done harm to anybody. In the main this praise is
deserved. "But," exclaims St. Beuve, in protest, "there are
three points in his life which raise terrible doubts — the death of
Mirabeau, the affair of the Due d'Enghien, the affair of Mem-
breuil." This last was the plot for the assassination of Napoleon.

Talleyrand was perfectly aware of the shocking charges
against himself in connection with the death of Mirabeau, but
he makes no reference whatever to them in the portion of his
memoirs treating of that period. The fact that they were
believed at the time only shows the estimate then placed on him
by some of his contemporaries. On the other hand, it must be
said that many things make the story improbable, and that the
so-called evidence is circumstantial and trivial. Napoleon,
repeatedly in conversation and in writing, charged the murder
of the Due d'Enghien to him. Talleyrand devotes one chapter
to repelling the accusation, and fixing the responsibility for the
crime on Napoleon himself. As to the plot to have Napoleon
assassinated, even Talleyrand's enemies must admit that, while
some circumstances were certainly suspicious, the proof of his
complicity is fragmentary and not convincing.

No portrait of the man can be just which does not relieve by
many light touches the sombre colours in which he has generally
been depicted. He had the uniform courtesy and dignity of the
old regime. He was the most accomplished of courtiers ; the
most correct of masters of ceremonies. He spoke well, and he
wrote better — his few appearances at the Academy being really

INTRODUCTION. xiii

events. In the brilliant salons of the Court circles before the

Revolution, he was a social lion. Women always liked and

helped him. His witty sayings were the talk of Paris. In

prosperity he was not arrogant ; in times of trouble he bore

himself with unruffled dignity and composure. When Napoleon

denounced him in the presence of others, for treachery and

venality, he merely said, as he went down the staircase, " What

a pity that so great a man should have been so badly brought

up." At another time, when Napoleon, then First Consul, asked

him how he had become so rich (he was said to be already worth

thirty millions of francs), he replied, " Nothing could be more

simple. General ; I bought Rentes the day before the 1 8th Brumaire

(the day on which Napoleon seized power), and I sold them the

day after." He had taken office under Louis XVIII., and was

representing France at the Congress of Vienna, when Napoleon

suddenly came back from Elba. He merely discovered that his

liver was a little out of order, and he must go to Carlsbad.

" The first duty of a diplomat," he observed, " after a Congress,

is to take care of his liver." A few months later, after Waterloo,

there were fresh symptoms of trouble with the same organ, while

Louis XVIII. regarded him askance ; but the moment he was

reappointed Minister of Foreign Affairs all was well.

The evil Talleyrand did was chiefly to individuals. The
good he did was to France. His public action in the Constituent
Assembly was most important, and in the main most judicious.
The French writers of that period, and even down to the day of
his death, habitually ascribed sinister motives to every act, and
professed to find his hidden hand in many excesses of the
Revolutionary party. But he can only be fairly judged now by
what he is known to have done ; and by that standard there is
no Frenchman who might not be proud of his record in the
Constituent Assembly. He was the pioneer in the establish-
ment of the metric system. He opposed the issue of the assignats,
and accurately foretold their end. He presented an elaborate
and well-considered plan for the reform of the finances, and the
establishment of a sinking fund. He urged the suppression of
lotteries. He presented in a comprehensive report and bill, a
judicious system of national education, including a plan for the

xiv INTRODUCTION.

secularization of the schools. He favoured the policy of peace
and alliance with England. Bishop as he still was, he presented
the measure for selling the property of the clergy, and thus
secured for the almost bankrupt treasury of Louis XVI. two
milliards of francs. He carried the measure for abolishing the
oppressive tithes of the clergy. In effect this representative of
the old nobility of France showed himself among the earliest to
recognize the inevitable changes, and loyally endeavoured to
introduce reforms which would enable the monarchy to adapt
itself to them without too violent a wrench. As time went on,
he became convinced of the incapacity of the king to meet the
crisis. Thenceforward he went with the tide, but strove rather
to moderate and restrain it. The address to the people of France
which the Assembly chose him to prepare, breathed throughout
a spirit of genuine and almost republican devotion to the rights
of man as we now understand them.

In other and widely differing occasions his influence was
exerted to promote peace, and to discourage wars of mere am-
bition. He faithfully warned Napoleon against his Spanish
policy, and fell into disgrace for a time through efforts to thwart
it. With that Spanish policy, the downfall of Napoleon began.
At Erfurt he protested against the schemes of wanton attack
upon Austria, and even maintained private relations, and had
nightly interviews with the Czar Alexander to keep him from
being led into them by Napoleon's importunities. At another
stage in Napoleon's extraordinary aggressions he protested, " I
do not want to be the torment of Europe." He lost his place
in the cabinet of Louis XVIII. because that king would not
tolerate his plans for an alliance with England. Later on, he
went to England as the ambassador of Louis Philippe, and
there negotiated the treaty of 1834, which secured his country
many years of peace and prosperity. He rendered useful ser-
vice at the peace of Amiens. At the Congress of Vienna his
efforts were directed to an English rather than to a Russian
alliance ; and for this Thiers and others have criticized him, but
the memoirs make an end of that criticism. In the negotiations
before and after the" Hundred Days" Talleyrand is now seen to
have rendered his country one of the greatest services, perhaps

INTRODUCTION. xv

the greatest service, of his Ufa. He may be said perhaps to
ha\e saved her from dismemberment, and certainly to have
preserved her great place in Europe.

Two other acts of Talleyrand's in widely different fields,
may here be cited, out of many which this generation should not
allow to be forgotten.

He proposed under the Consulate a practical system of
Civil Service for the Department of Foreign Affairs. He was
only permitted to introduce it in part, but his remarkable memo-
randum on the subject can be read with profit to this day.

He defended the liberty of the press under Louis XVIH-
against the tendency of the king and the court. Twice, in the
Chamber of Peers, in successive years, he faced the reaction on
this subject, and exposed the fatal path on which the court party
wished to enter.

" Let us take for granted," he once said, " that what has been
held good and useful by all the enlightened men of a country,
without variation, during a succession of years of various govern-
ments, is a necessity of the time. Such, gentlemen, is the liberty
of the press. . . I do not say that governments ought to hasten
to recognize these new necessities. But when they have been
recognized, to take back what was given, or — which comes to
the same thing — to suspend it indefinitely, that is a rashness
which I, more than any one else, hope may not bring a sad re-
pentance to those who have conceived the convenient but pitiful
thought. You must never compromise the good faith of a
government. In our days it is not easy to deceive for a long
time. There is some one who has more sense than Voltaire,
more sense than Bonaparte, more than any Director, more than
any Minister, past, present, or to come. That is everybody. To
undertake or even to persist in a controversy, where all the
world is interested against you, is a fault ; and to-day all political
faults are dangerous." Students of current American politics
are accustomed to the phrase, " Everybody is wiser than any-
body." It may interest some of them to note that Talleyrand
said so, before the American politicians.

The memoirs have been expected to clear up some of the
dark charges against him, and to do mach towards clarifying
our views of that extraordinary epoch. They are sure to leave

x\n INTRODUCTION.

a better impression as to the work of Talleyrand himself. One
of his most merciless critics, St. Beuve, writing in 1S67, as to
the anticipations then felt concerning the present publication,
judiciously says : " I am persuaded that everything to be found
in the letters and other writings of Talleyrand will give one a
more favourable idea of him. People of genius like his never
put the worst of their thoughts or of their lives on paper."

What we now find that he did put on paper proves to be, and
was intended by its author to be, as the French say, a " serious
book," — meaning thereby that whatever its variety of subjects or
interest in treatment, it is written throughout with a constant
view to a serious purpose. Whoever comes to it for the enter-
tainment which a man with such a well-grounded reputation for
wit and repartee might easily have furnished — for anecdotes,
amusing reminiscences of court incidents, and in general, for the
table-talk of the ruling classes during the momentous periods of
which it treats, will be disappointed. Whoever seeks details
even of the author's own life will be disappointed. The memoirs
are obviously meant to be the elaborate vindication of a great
career ; not an autobiography, nor a lively account of the author's
times, not a collection of scandalous anecdotes, nor even a series
of malicious revelations of state secrets to the hurt of old enemies.
Incidentally, some state secrets may be revealed ; as a means of
vindication some of the highest reputations are mercilessly
assailed, and certainly some of the most important occurrences
in the histor}'- of modern Europe are set in a new light. But the
one controlling aim of Prince Talleyrand was to elucidate and
vindicate his own large part in the events of his time.

He does it with a certain haughty dignity. He apologizes
for nothing. He conceives that he gave to every government he
served as much as he received from it, and he goes far towards
adducing the proof He narrates without passion, and reasons
generally on the high plane of the real interests of his country,
and the real interests of Europe, which he declares were not
antagonistic.

He has been well served by those to whom he committed his
memoirs. They have been able to secure the admirable execu-
tion of his wishes, even after they have followed him to the grave.
The author himself could not fail to be content with the adniir-

INTRODUCTION. xvn

able editing which it finally fell to the Due de Broglie to give to
his work ; and the eminent abilities of that French statesman
have never accomplished more skilfully a more difficult task than
in his prefatory analysis and appreciation of Talleyrand's career.
The memoirs are written in a pure and admirable French style,
the charm of which defies translation ; but in M. de Beaufort the
publishers have found a translator whose previous rendering
of the memoirs of the late Due de Broglie, and of Prince Jerome's
Napoleon and his Detractors, gave every guarantee of accuracy,
while his scholarship and familiarity with the subject lend value
to the notes he has added.

The great periods in Talleyrand's career were the Constituent
Assembly ; the first years of his co-operation with Napoleon ;
the later years when he resisted but was still able to influence
Napoleon's aggressions ; the Congress of Vienna and the last
mission to England. On the first of these, for reasons already
suggested, the memoirs give less new information than was to be
expected. Their account of the resistance to Napoleon enhances
the estimate of Talleyrand's work at that epoch ; and in their
story of the transactions at Vienna we see for the first time in
an adequate light, the great diplomatist at the height of his
powers, and winning his worthiest triumphs. He went to Vienna
the representative of a prostrate nation, and of a throne propped
up by the bayonets of the army that had conquered it. He
found the victors apportioning the spoil without reference to him,
and without even admitting him to their conferences. He had
neither physical power nor moral prestige behind him ; no great
army, no established institutions ; hardly even a country ; and
the very instructions he bore he had written himself. He stood
alone against Europe. And yet in a few months, by sheer force
of intellect and skill, he had divided the allies, had secured the
territorial integrity of his country, had negotiated most useful
alliances, had greatly strengthened the French throne, had done
something towards preventing the wanton partition of other
nationahties, and had put France again in a leading position in

Europe.

The popular idea was (in accordance with the hint which he
himself threw out), that he forbade the publication of his manu-
scripts for so long a period after his death because they com-

xviii INTRODUCTION.

promised too many reputations. It is quite as probable that his
sense of the generally hostile judgment of his contemporaries
and particularly of his countrymen, was so keen that he wished
to make his final appeal on behalf of his own reputation to
another generation.

On this theory of the purpose with which they were written,
these memoirs have an interest from the points on which they
are silent, as well as from those they elucidate. What he could
not defend, or what he despised too much to care to defend, he
ignores.

On the subject of his early and constant receipt of bribes,
there is a profound silence — in the first two volumes at least, to
which alone this introduction refers. Yet his venality was so
notorious and so monstrous that Napoleon denounced him for it
again and again ; details had repeatedly appeared in specific
cases, and statements had been published during his lifetime,
undertaking to show the various items and sources for his
receipts of some thirty millions of francs, acquired in a few years
of official life before the proclamation of the Empire.^ It was a

^ In the life of Talleyrand by Louis Bastide, published in 1S38, a few months only
after Talleyrand's death, the following table is given of his receipts for three years :

Francs.

From Portugal . . . . 1,200,000

From Austria for the secret articles in the Convention of

C.ampo Formio in 1797 . . 1,000,000

From Prussia, for having advised it of these articles, and pre-
vented their exccmion . . . 1,000,000
From the l.lector of llavaria .... 500,000
From the King of Naples, as the price of recognizing his

neutrality .... . 500,000

From the Pope . . .... . 150,000

From the King of Sardinia . . . . 300,000

From the Grand Duke of Tuscany in order that the French

tioips should respect his territory . . . 500,000
From the Cis-Alpine Republic, in order to obtain a new

agreement .... . 1,000,000

From the Batavian Republic, for tlie same object . . 1,200,000

During the first six mrnlhs <if the Congress rjf Rastadt i,Soo,000
For his share in the prizes made by French privaieers on

neutral vessels . 2,000,000

From the Prince de la Paix 1,000,000

From ihe Grand Vizier 500,000

From the Hanseatic cities .... . 500,000
Net profits from speculations in French and foreign funds

during the negotiations of Lord Malmesbury at Lille 1,500,000

14,650,000

To which should be added the enormous profits which he realized by hi. operations on
the Stock Exchange on the iSih Rrumaire. The author adds that all these details had

INTRODUCTION. xix

subject on which there was nothing to be said, and the sagacious
diplomat knew when to say nothing.

But aside from Napoleon's charges, oral and written, as well
as from those of French politicians and journals which he
perhaps thought he could afford to ignore, there was one
arraignment against him for blackmail, so direct, detailed, and
authoritative, that he might have been expected to offer either
an explanation, a denial, or a counter-attack. This was the
case set forth by the three American Commissioners and Minis-
ters Plenipotentiary, Messrs. Charles C. Pinckney, John Marshall,
and Elbridge Gerry, in a series of official despatches to the Secre-
tary of State of the United States, transmitted to Congress in
special messages by John Adams, then the President. In effect,
Talleyrand, as Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Directory,
refused the commissioners official recognition unless he could
be assured that they would give him personally a "gratification "
of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and make a loan to
the Directory of thirty-two millions of Dutch florins. He kept
them dancing attendance for months, and long declined to take
up their business at all, the demand for the money being mean-
time often repeated. Mr. Bellamy of Hamburg and Mr. Hautval,
with one or two others whose names have been preserved in the
State department at Washington, but never disclosed, acted at
first as intermediaries.! They presented the demands, orally
and in writing, and persistently argued the necessity for com-
pliance. They bore messages from Talleyrand, arranged for
meetings with him, and some of them accompanied the commis-
sioners to these meetings. Talleyrand himself repeated the
demand for the loan, exactly as they had presented it, and
urged it with the same arguments. He even put it in writing,
permitted one of the commissioners to read it, and then with-
drew and burnt the manuscript. He did not personally demand
the " gratification " of a quarter of a million dollars, but merely
said, in reply to Mr. Elbridge Gerry's remark that these seemed
much the same financial views Mr. Bellamy had been urging, "that

been publi'^hecl in various works, and that M. Talleyrand had never dared to refute or
con-ect these figxires.

1 Treaties and Conventions between the United States and o'her Powers, with Nota
on the Negotiations. Government edilion, p. 998.

VOL. L 'i

XX INTRODUCTION.

the information Mr. Bellamy had given him was just, and might
always be relied on."^ Mr. Bellamy was the one who had been
most pertinacious and explicit about the "gratification," and he
was present at this conversation. The American commissioners,
through months of solicitation, sturdily refused the demands,
and diplomatic relations between the two countries were finally
broken off The President, in communicating the last of the
correspondence to Congress, said, " I will never send another
minister to France without assurances that he will be received,
respected, and honoured as the representative of a great, free,
powerful, and independent nation."^ The documents leave no
moral doubt of the story; they were printed in the volume
comprising the President's official communications to Congress,
and had been before the world for a quarter of a century when
these memoirs were completed. The absence of a line of refer-
ence to them is as interesting in its way as anything Prince
Talleyrand could have said on the subject.

He spent many months in the United States soon after the
establishment of their independence, in which France had aided,
and while a revolution, stimulated in part by the American
example, was in progress in his own land ; but he found, in his
recollections of his American visit, almost nothing suggested by
either event, and nothing concerning the great man, then Chief
Magistrate of the country which gave him hospitality. His
lack of sympathy with republicanism, whether in the United
States or in France, explains the one ; and General Washington's
refusal to receive him explains the other. Lord Lansdowne
had given him a warm letter of introduction to Washington,
setting forth that Talleyrand was really in exile because,
although a bishop, he had desired to promote the general
freedom of worship, and eulogizing him for having sacrificed his
ambition in the Church to his devotion to principle. Washington
possibly had his own views as to the extent to which Talley-
rand's exile was due to his high religious principles. Hamilton's
influence, always great — was joined to Lord Lansdowne's
eulogy ; but both were unavailing. The refusal to receive the
French exile, however, was quietly put upon political grounds.

' American State Papers, 1798-1803, vol. iv. p. 25. ' 2l)id. p. 137.

INTRODUCTION. ^cxi

To men of this time it seems that no part of Talleyrand's
life was more creditable or useful than that spent in the Con-
stituent Assembly. But this scion of the old nobility of France
had never changed his real political views. He was always a
monarchist — in the Assembly, under the Directory, under
Napoleon. He wished to assist Louis XVI., until he became
convinced that the constitutional feebleness and obstinacy of
that monarch were beyond help. " The ministers," he says,
" did not know that arbitrary power has no right to punish with
moderation those who resist it, and that by its very nature it is
required either to ignore or to crush its enemies." When he
found that the king would not attempt in season to act upon
such principles, Talleyrand abandoned the monarchy, and took
care of himself. But while he went with the Republican
current, he was never republican. He found, therefore, little
satisfaction in his honourable and brilliant record in the Con-
stituent Assembly, and his account of it, in view of its real
importance, is meagre.

So he touches very lightly his extraordinary relations to the
Church. But he takes pains to make it clear that he was forced
into the priesthood, and that he never felt any real calling for
his sacred vocation. He is equally careful to show that in
critical emergencies he had been able to do Rome service, and
that the feelings of the Pope towards him were friendly.

The scandals of his private life as priest and bishop receive
only sufficient allusion to indicate his contempt for the subject.
Thus his relations to the Countess Flahaut were known, and a
letter to her had been published, in which, describing his exercise
of his sacred functions at the great ceremony of the National
Oath, in the Champ de Mars, he first hints at his own lack of
religious faith, and then says : " I hope you feel to what divinity
I yesterday addressed my prayers and my oath of fidelity. You
alone are the Supreme Being whom I adore, and always will
adore." The husband of the Countess afterwards lost his head
on the guillotine; and the widow in exile at Hamburg, was
about to contract another marriage, as Talleyrand, returning
from his exile, came to the same place. When she heard of his
purpose she requested him not to come, since she feared that his

d 2

xxn INTRODUCTION.

presence, coupled with the stories of their former relations, might
embarrass her approaching marriage. The old man of eighty
puts this in his memoirs as an amusing instance of feminine
simplicity, and says that, of course, he paid no attention to the
request. He goes on then to tell of meeting Madame de Genlis
again, and of finding her unchanged — the same Madame de
Genlis of whom in relation to the Due d'Orleans he had taken
occasion to say in his merciless portrait of that prince, " Madame
de Genlis always surrendered early, to avoid scandal."

Talleyrand evidently cherished bitter memories of his ex-
pulsion from England by Pitt, but he finds it well to pass the
subject with the slightest possible mention. Nor does he refer
at all to the strange letters he had previously sent his Govern-
ment, reporting that England was practically on the verge of a
revolution like that of France, analyzing the inadequate military
resources at hand to meet it, and proposing a plan for a French
invasion and capture of Ireland. Eight days, he says, were
sufficient to land 6o,ooo men at twenty or thirty different points.
As a matter of prudence, they might perhaps go in the character
of ^viigrh, so as to avoid arousing the suspicions of the Govern-
ment. " Once masters of the principal ports,'' he continued,
" once with the English fleet in our power, we can easily bring
from France such reinforcements as are needed ; and besides,
as the march of our troops will have been preceded by a
proclamation in the name of the sovereign people of France,
addressed to the sovereign people of Great Britain and Ireland,
as their faithful allies, no doubt this country will be thrown into
a revolution more prompt and more happy than that of 1688.
The elements for a republic are riper in England than they
M^ere in France four years ago, and it may take fewer weeks for
England to accomplish this great and salutary change, than we
spent years. "^

With the gravest charge affecting his reputation as a pub-
lic man, Talleyrand does deal at length, but after his own
fashion. He makes not the slightest concealment of his efforts
to thwart the plans of his masters. He narrates them often in
detail, with entire simplicity and the utmost directness. But

' Letter to Talleyrand to Lebrun, dated October 10, 1792.

INTRODUCTION. xxill

the narrative always tends to show that the course he pursued
was in the interest of France, and that the rulers he thwarted
either did not know that interest or wished to sacrifice it for
their own. Thus, after telling how he had secretly laboured
with the Czar Alexander, at the Erfurt Conference, to defeat
Napoleon's plan for an alliance against Austria, and had suc-
ceeded, he calmly says, " It is the last service I was able to
render to Europe while Napoleon continued to reign, and that
was, in my opinion, a service rendered also to him." There is
nowhere a hint that in his mind private and surreptitious
conferences with the sovereigns of other countries to defeat the
plans of the sovereign whose representative and confidential
adviser he was, had the slightest immoral quality.

But he takes care to show Napoleon in a light that must
make the world rather rejoice at seeing such a man betrayed.
The memoirs scarcely touch a critical point in the emperor's
career without dealing him a stab. They make him paltry in
the business of the divorce. They picture him as an ignorant
blusterer in the affairs of the Concordat. They detail his cheap
devices to gain the admiration of men of letters. They show
with mahcious precision how he laboriously copied out the draft
of a treaty which Talleyrand had prepared for him, that the
Czar, finding it in the emperor's handwriting, might think it
was his own work. They preserve his letter, complaining that
the heir to the Spanish throne wrote him as " My Cousin," and
requiring the minister to instruct this prince of ancient royal
lineage that the only word proper for him to use in addressing
Napoleon was " Sire." They stoop even to such trifles as his
fretting on the evening of Austerlitz, over some gossip of a
fancied slight to him by the society of the Faubourg St
Germain. Everywhere they paint him as heartless, vain, vulgar,
wanton in attack, ungenerous and pitiless to the defeated, un-
truthful, proud of his ability to deceive, wholly without prin-
ciple and without gratitude. And they do this, not so much
by ascribing to him these qualities, as by the careful and precise
narration of incidents that exhibit them.

The inference which Prince Talleyrand expects his readers
to draw from all this is plain. It was right, when in power, under

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

such a man, to thwart him when it seemed needful in the interest
of France. When this could no longer be done, it was right to
prepare the way for a Bourbon successor — in the interest of
France. When the restored Bourbons did not meet his views, it
was right to plot for their displacement by the son of that Due
d'Orleans whom he had painted as a brainless and heartless
monster — in the interest of France.' In other cases the suggested
defence is always the same ; wherever he deceived her rulers he
did it all for the good of France.

No doubt the plea will have force, especially with his country-
men. Moralists indeed will regard with surprise the claim that
a minister, though holding on to his office, no longer owes personal
loyalty to his sovereign, when in his judgment the sovereign is
sacrificing the interests of his country to his own. They will
ask whether, even in such great emergencies, the end can be
admitted to justify the means. Whatever the answer. French-
men, at any rate, and very possibly the world at large, will have
a kindlier feeling for the veteran public servant who is able to show
that, even at such cost, he did in great crises serve his country.
The memoirs will not change the world's verdict on the profligate
Abb6 of Perigord and Bishop of Autun. They will not lighten
the censure on the Foreign Minister who made merchandise of
his treaties, and became a millionaire on bribes. They will not
make the world think it honourable in him to have deceived or
betrayed in turn almost every man under whom he held office.
Nevertheless, they will heighten and broaden his fame. The
old man was wise, as usual, in making his appeal to a later
generation. He played a great part ; and as its proportions are
here revealed, the space for him in the history of his times must
be materially enlarged.

PREFACE.

BY THE DUG DE BROGLIE,

The Prince de Talleyrand died on the 17th of May 1838.

On the loth of January 1834, he had made a will relative to
the division of his fortune among his heirs, and to the various
bequests he left as remembrances to his relatives, friends or
servants.

Two years after, on October I, 1S36, he added to his will the
following declaration, of a very different nature : —

" This is to be read to my relatives, to my heirs and to my
private friends, as a sequel to my will. — In the first place, I
declare that I die in the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Faith.

" I do not wish to speak here of the share I had in the various
decisions and measures taken by the Constituent Assembly, or
of my first journeys to England or to America.

" This portion of my life will be found in the Memoirs., which
shall be published some day. But I feel it a duty to furnish my
family, and the persons who displayed friendship, or simply
kindness towards me, with some explanations concerning the
responsibility I had in the events which happened in France
after my return from America.

" I had resigned the bishopric of Autun, and my resignation
had been accepted by the Pope, by whom I have since been

xxvi PREFACE.

secularized. The instrument of my secularization is annexed to

my will. I considered myself free, and my situation required

that I should find my way. I did so alone, for I did not wish my

future to be linked to any political party, for they none of

them tallied with my views. I carefully considered the matter

and decided on serving France for her sake alone, in whatever

situation she might be placed : some good was to be done in

each. Therefore, I do not blame myself for having served

all the political parties which ruled France, from the Directory

to the government existing at the time of my writing this.

After the horrors of the Revolution, all that was calculated to

lead, one way or the other, to order and security was useful ;

and, at that time, sensible men could wish for nothing more.

" To restore monarchical institutions was a matter of impos-
sibility in the state in which France then was. To do so, inter-
mediate forms of government — several of them- — were needed.
One could not expect even the shadow of royalty in the
Directory ; the spirit of the Convention must predominate there,
and so it did, in reality, though in a milder form : but, by reason
of this spirit, that government was not to last long. It paved
the way for the Consulate, which already contained the principle
of royalty, though as yet in disguise. Some good was to be
done there ; that form of government possessed a remote, it
is true, but real resemblance to monarchy.

" The imperial rule which followed was more like an autocracy
than a regular monarchy. This is true, but at the time when
Bonaparte put the crown on his head, war with England was
raging again ; other wars were imminent ; the spirit of faction
was rampant, and the safety of the country might have been
jeopardized if its ruler had confined himself to the exercise of

PREFACE. xxvii

the sole prerogatives of a simple king. I therefore served the
Emperor Napoleon, as I had done the Consul Bonaparte : I
served him with loyalty, so long as I could believe him exclu-
sively devoted to France. But, as soon as I saw him enter on
the revolutionary path which led him to ruin, I left the cabinet,
and for that he never forgave me.

" In 1814, the Bourbons, with whom, since 1791, 1 had had no
relations, were recalled. They were so, for the only reason that
their reign was deemed more favourable than any other to the
rest so much needed by France and by Europe. I have related,
in my Metnoirs, the chief part I played in that great event, and
the rather bold steps I took in those memorable da)'s. The
recall of the princes of the House of Bourbon was not the
acknowledgment of pre-existing rights. If they so construed
it, it was neither on my advice, nor with my assent ; for here is
my opinion on the matter.

" Monarchs are such only by virtue of public instruments
which constitute them the heads of civil society. These instru-
ments are, it is true, irrevocable for each monarch and for his
posterity so long as the reigning monarch keeps within the
limits of his own province ; but if he attempts to go beyond it,
he loses all right to a title which his own acts either have
belied or would soon belie. Such being my opinion, I have
never found it necessary to disclaim it in order to accept the
functions which I have discharged under various governments.

"As I now, in my eighty-second year, call to mind the
numerous events of my political life, which has itself been long,
and weigh them, on the eve of entering into eternity, I find as
the result: —

" That of all the governments I have served, there is

xxviii PREFACE.

not one to which I have not given more than I have
received.

"That I have never abandoned any, till it had, first of all,
abandoned itself.

" That I have never considered the interests of any party, my
own, or those of my friends, before the true interests of France,
which besides are never, in my opinion, contrary to the true
interests of Europe.

" This judgment, for which I am alone responsible, will, I hope,
be confirmed by all impartial minds ; and should this justice be
refused me, when I am no longer living, the conviction of its
truth will yet serve to brighten my last days

" My wish — and I consign it here, giving it the same force as
my will — my wish, I say, is that the writings that I leave
behind me, be published only when thirty years, dating from
the day of my death, shall have elapsed, in order that those of
whom I have had to speak, being no longer alive, may, none of
them, have to suffer from what the truth may have compelled
me to say to their disadvantage, for I have never written with
the intention of hurting any one, whoever he might be. Thus,
even thirty years after my death, my Memoirs are only to appear
if those of my heirs to whom I leave them, judge that they can
be published without inconvenience to any one.

" I also enjoin the trustee of my papers to neglect no precau-
tion that may be necessary, or at least calculated to prevent, or
defeat any furtive attempts that may be made against them.

" Further, as in the times in which we live, we arc inundated
with spurious memoirs, forged some by starvelings, or covetous
characters, others by cowardly and unprincipled scoundrels,
who, in order to exercise their party spite without risk to them-

PREFACE. xxix

selves, dare to brand as far as lies in their power, the memory of
the great dead, under whose name they spread the grossest lies
and most absurd calumnies, — I expressly charge the trustees of
my manuscripts to publicly, peremptorily and without delay,
disclaim, as I hereby now disclaim, any writing whatever which
may chance to be published under my name before the expiration
of the thirty years above specified.

"Valencay, October i, 1836.

" {Sigjied) Prince de Talleyrand."

This important paper has, as may be seen, two very
different aims in view.

The first is to make a profession of principle, which M. de
Talleyrand only submits to the judgment of his conscience and
of posterity, and which therefore necessitates no comment.

Then follow prescriptions relative to the keeping and
publication of his papers.

It is for these latter only, and for the measures which had
to be taken accordingly, that the editors of these Memoirs have
to account.

These prescriptions were repeated and completed in a codicil
joined to the will and instrument of 1836, dated March 17, 1838,
and couched in the following terms : —

" I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the Duchesse de
Dino, as my universal legatee, has alone the right of collecting
all my papers and writings without exception, in order to do
with them what I have enjoined her, and what she already
knows ; and I forbid her to divulge in any way the contents
of the papers that I shall leave, save after the expiration of

XXX PREFACE.

thirty years after my decease ; nevertheless, M. de Bacourt, the
king's minister at Baden, to whom I give and bequeath a
diamond of fifty thousand francs in value, which I beg him to
accept as a token of my esteem and friendship for him, will be
so good, in default of the Duchesse de Dino, and in that case
only that she departs this life before myself, as to take charge
of all my unpublished papers that I have left in England."

The Duchesse de Dino, who was soon afterwards called upon
to assume the title of Duchesse de Talleyrand and Sagan, died
on September 29, 1S62, six years before the date fixed by
M. de Talleyrand for the publication of his papers by his
heirs.

The Duchesse de Talleyrand had none the less taken full
and entire possession of all the papers of her uncle, as shown in
her will, made September 19, 1S62, at Sagan, and which bears,
in paragraph 17, the following injunction : —

" The papers of my late uncle, the Prince de Talleyrand,
which have been handed over to me in accordance with the
instructions contained in his will, are to be found, for the most
part, in the keeping of M. Adolphe de Bacourt ; some of them
with the necessary instructions relative to them, are to be
found amongst the property disposed of in my will. By this
present writing, I order that, after my decease, this part of the
papers as Vvcll be remitted to M. de Bacourt, who will receive
them under the same conditions fixed by my late uncle, as I
myself received them."

M. do Bacourt, who died April 28, 1865, did not long survive
the Duchesse de Talleyrand ; but even during the lifetime of

PREFACE. xxxi

the Duchesse he had, as we have just seen, been associated with
her in the keeping of the papers and their classification, with
which the illustrious statesman had charged her. He had
been instructed by her to collect all the papers that had been
left her, those that had been left in England, just as well as
those that might yet be found in France.

Left in sole possession of this mass of papers for three years,
M. de Bacourt applied himself with indefatigable zeal to the
task of revising them and preparing the publication of the
Memoirs, which formed a principal part of them. With this
intention, he had arranged numerous notes, complementary or
explanatory, bearing on the most important points in the life
of the prince, and on those over which the greatest amount of
controversy had raged. Finally, he had neglected no means of
enlarging the precious trust confided to him, by the acquisition
of a number of unpublished documents emanating either from
M. de Talleyrand himself, or addressed to him by various people,
or which were likely to throw some fresh interest on his life.

It was assuredly with the design, that this work, to which he
had given himself with an almost religious devotion, should be
continued after his death in the same spirit in which he had
treated it himself, that he thought fit to introduce into his will
a number of injunctions, of which the text must be literally
reproduced.

" On account of the arrangements made in the two wills
that I have just quoted (those namely of the Prince and of the
Duchesse de Talleyrand), I find myself compelled to provide
for the consequence that might ensue, if I died before accom-
plishing the duty which has been laid upon me with respect to

xxxii PREFACE.

the papers left by the Prince de Talleyrand, which are all in my
possession.

" I thought the best plan was to choose, according to the
custom adopted in England, so called Trustees, or persons of
trust, who in case of my death, would be charged : 1st, To take
my place as guardians of the said papers ; 2nd, to provide for
the time fixed by me for the publication of those of these
papers which are destined to be published. I have therefore
appointed for this purpose M. Chatelain, ex-notary, living in
Paris, No 17, Rue d'Anjou-Saint-Honore, and M. Paul Andral,
a barrister in practice at the imperial courts at Paris, dwelling in
that city, No lOl, Rue Saint-Lazare, who have both willingly
accepted the mission I thus entrust them with. I require and com-
mand that these two gentlemen be informed immediately after my
death of the place where these papers are deposited, and told
that they are there at their disposal ; and that means of taking
possession of them, together with all necessary measures of
security for so doing be afforded them. . . . I impose, as a special
injunction, on MM. Chatelain and Andral, that no publication
taken from these papers be made, in any case whatever, before
the year eighteen hundred and eighty-eight, thus adding a term
of twenty years to that of thirty fixed by the Prince de Talley-
rand."

M. de Bacourt adding, as we have just seen, a fresh proro-
gation of twenty years to that of the thirty fixed by M. de
Talleyrand, made use of a power reserved by the prince himself
to his heirs. Those who, in their turn, received the legacy of
M. de Bacourt had no right to exempt themselves from this
restriction.

PREFACE. xxxiii

Before the expiration of this prorogation, one of them, M.
C'h^telain, had ceased to live, and had to be replaced by his son ;
and when the fixed term had elapsed, his partner, M. Andral,
was already attacked by the disease which, in the following year,
snatched him away from his sorrowing friends.

It was then only at the beginning of the current year that I
was informed of the honour that my ever lamented friend had
paid me, by handing on to me the accomplishment of the task
which the last will and testament of M. de Bacourt had imposed
on him, and which his illness hindered him from carrying out.
Nothing had prepared me for it, and no communication on his
part had led me even to suspect it. I had understood and
shared the impatience which the public had long shown for be-
coming acquainted with a work of high value, and one which was
a legitimate object for curiosity. But however great may
have been the wish of M. Chatelain and my own in this respect,
it was yet necessary to take time, in order to neglect no care
demanded by the publication of a work of such importance.

It will have been noticed how careful both the Duchesse
de Talleyrand and M. de Bacourt were to state that they were
in possession of all the papers of the prince without exception,
and that nothing could either have been taken from or escaped
them. The fear of seeing, throughout the long years of silence
that had been imposed upon them, the name of M. de Talleyrand
at the head of fictitious memoirs, and apocryphal documents
which would have misrepresented him (as but too often happens
in the case of celebrated men), had evidently deeply affected
them. It is against all abuse and forgery of this kind that
they firmly protested beforehand, remaining faithful in this
to the thought that had dictated to M. de Talleyrand himself

xxxiv PREFACE.

the injunction he gave his heirs in the instrument of 1836, to
preserve his memory from all stealthy publication.

This precaution, very natural in itself, was moreover
especially justified by the knowledge of a very serious fact,
and one of which the consequences had even before the death
of M. de Talleyrand caused an anxiety to himself and his family
that may easily be understood.

A secretary who had enjoyed his confidence throughout the
years in which, either as minister or ambassador, he had been
charged with the gravest interests of the State, had been dismissed
after twenty years of this intimate service for sufficiently serious
reasons ; and although the precaution of demanding from him to
deliver up any pieces that might be in his hands was by no
means neglected, it was not long before it was found that not
only had this restitution been far from complete, but that the
secretary thus dismissed, boasted of having kept back more
than one important document, which he threatened to make
use of, without the permission of his old patron, and with
the express purpose of doing him harm.

What made the conduct of this faithless agent as dangerous
as reprehensible was, that during these years of familiar inter-
course with M. de Talleyrand, he had learnt to counterfeit his
handwriting, in such a manner as to deceive those who ought to
be best acquainted with it, and it was soon found that he had
turned this paltry talent to advantage by circulating as having
emanated from M, de Talleyrand, writings, forged or falsified, of
such a character as to cause unpleasantness in his relations
with his family and friends, and to accredit the most infamous
accusations against him.

Chance allowed M. de Bacourt to get genuine and undeniable

PREFACE. . XXXV

proofs of this fraud ; these he put into a special drawer amongst
his papers where they are still. With respect to the original
letters of M. de Talleyrand, he has produced facsimiles, found
among the papers of the copyist, so closely resembling the
originals that they could not be distinguished from them, were it
not that certain sentences, manifestly introduced with evil intent,
betray the imposture.

It is thus not difficult to conceive the anxiety which the
executors of the will of M. de Talleyrand must have experienced
when, three days after his death, May 20, 1838, the English
paper, the Times, published the following : —

" With regard to the political Memoirs of M. de Talleyrand,
it is well known that they were only to see the light thirty years
after his death, but his secretary, M. Perrey, being possessed of
a large portion of the manuscript, it is believed that the
intentions of the deceased will not be realised, except at the cost
of a great pecuniary sacrifice. Amongst the papers that M.
Perrey is known to possess, are satirical portraits of more than
a hundred of our contemporaries."

Let us add that the Times named as among these con-
temporaries all the personal friends of M. de Talleyrand and
his family.

It is true that eight days later, on May 28, M. Perrey
himself (the Times being the paper that had mentioned his name
in the matter) in a letter addressed to it, denied the allegation,
and said that he was ready to bring an action before the courts
against " whomsoever should venture to use his name in order to
give some appearance of authenticity to these so-called writings
of M. de Talleyrand." But what weight did this disclaimer carry,
VOL, I. ^

xxxvi PREFACE.

a disclaimer which could not be dispensed with, without allowing"
the shadow of criminal dishonesty to rest upon one's self, and
what foundation was there for the allegation of the Times ? Had
M. Perrey attempted this process of reproduction, amplifying
and altering, at which he was known to be an adept, on some
stolen fragments of the Memoirs, or on some notes prepared
for their publication ? If he had attempted anything of this
kind, what guarantee was there that he had destroyed all trace
of it, and was there no risk of its being introduced to the public
through some intermediary, to whom he might have given it
gratis or for a money consideration ?

No precaution whatever was thought superfluous by the
Duchesse de Talleyrand and M. de Bacourt ; and, in order to
render all challenge or confusion impossible, M. de Bacourt
undertook to transcribe with his own hand the text of the
Memoirs, as he had received it from M. de Talleyrand, with the
complementary notes and documents.

This copy is mentioned in the inventory of the papers of
M. de Bacourt, subjoined to his will in the following terms: —

"Four volumes, bound in leather, which form the only
complete and authentic copy of Prince Talleyrand's Memoirs,
done by M. de Bacourt from the original manuscripts, dictated
documents, and copies whose purpose M. de Talleyrand had
indicated to him."

Furthermore the first of these four volumes bears on its
last page the following declaration : —

" I, the undersigned, testamentary executrix of my late uncle,
Charles-Maurice, Prince de Talleyrand, declare and certify that

PREFACE. xxxvii

the present folio volume, containing five hundred and one hand-
written pages, comprises the only original, complete, and faithful
copy of the first five parts of his Memoirs, and of a fragment on
the Due de Choiseul left by the Prince de Talleyrand-P^rigord.
" Sagan, May 20, 1858.

"DOROTH^E DE COURLANDE,
" DUCHESSE DE TALLEYRAND ET DE SaGAN."

A declaration, similar in all respects and bearing the same
signature, closes the second volume.

At the end of the third, it is M. de Bacourt, sole survivor, who
thus expresses himself: —

" I, the undersigned, testamentary executor of the late Prince
Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-P^rigord, and of the Duchesse
de Talleyrand and Sagan, Princesse de Courlande, declare and
certify that the present folio volume of five hundred and six
manuscript pages comprises the sole original, complete, and
authentic copy of the eighth, ninth, and tenth parts of the
Metnoirs left by Prince Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Pdrigord.

" Ad. DE Bacourt.

" Baden, January 20, 1863."

No declaration is found at the end of the fourth volume, for
the reason that the last part of this volume was to have
been completed by subjoined extracts, whose complete tran-
scription was not accomplished when death overtook M. de
Bacourt.

It is from the text prepared for press by the very people
whom M. de Talleyrand had charged with doing so, and
according to the instructions that they held of him, that

xxxviii PREFACE.

the present publication is made. Neither suppression, nor
even toning down, have in any degree been allowed. Only
some of the notes prepared by M. de Bacourt have been
omitted, owing to their having, by this time, lost their interest.
On the other hand, other notes, a considerable number of them,
have been added, containing either biographical information
concerning persons mentioned in the Memoirs, or explanation
of facts reported in them, of which the reader of to-day might
not have retained a sufficiently clear recollection.

With regard to the writing relative to the ministry of the
Due de Choiseul, mentioned in the declaration of the Duchesse
de Talleyrand, M. de Bacourt thought that it ought to appear
at the head of the first part of the Memoirs, although it
would not naturally find a place there, having been composed at
a later date. But it has been found more convenient to place
this detached document at the end of the last volume, where
some other writings of M. de Talleyrand that have been either
unpublished hitherto, or forgotten, but which may still be read
with interest, will also be relegated.

II.

The twelve parts of which the Memoirs are composed will
be found to be very far from forming a complete and con-
secutive whole. They can be divided into two distinct portions.
The first extends from M. de Talleyrand's birth to 1815, being
the close of his ministry under Louis XVIII. There are
clear indications to show that this portion of the Memoirs was
drawn up during the Restoration. The second commences
after the revolution of 1830, with the embassy of M. de

PREFACE. xxxix

Talleyrand to London, and contains the account of this
mission. It was probably written during the retirement which
followed his resignation given in 1834.

A break of fourteen years, as well as the brevity with which
the narrative passes over certain portions of the political career
of M, de Talleyrand (among others, the part he played in the
Constituent Assembly), witness sufficiently that his intention was
by no means to present a complete picture of his whole life in
his Memoirs. He himself, in a note put at the head of the first
part, warns the reader that Memoirs is an improper expression,
and only employed from want of a better one. That which will
least be found in them as a matter of fact is that which is gene-
rally most sought after in memoirs, viz., revelations of incidents
but little known in the life of the writer, or his personal impres-
sions on events that he himself witnessed. Apart from a few
pages devoted to his childhood and youth, the narrative of M. de
Talleyrand is more than reserved as to his private life ; and that
of those whom he has known finds still less place there. His
criticisms of the society amid which he lived are full of penetra-
tion and good taste ; but the reader who expects to find anecdotes,
indiscretions, or confidences among them, and who would not
object to the spice of a little scandal, will be completely deceived.
The tone of the narrative, uniformly earnest, never lends itself
to disclosures of this nature.

M. de Talleyrand also seems to have not the slightest in-
tention of replying, by way of explanation or apology, to the
various charges that have been brought against him. Save the
share that some writers have ascribed to him in the outrage that
put an end to the days of the Due d'Enghien, and which he indig-
nantly disclaims in a special note, he preserves a silence which

xl PREFACE.

does not merely appear to be that of disdain : it is rather a sort
of resolution taken to occupy the attention of his readers with
nothing- that concerns himself alone, but to reserve all their
attention for the great political and national interests, whose
fate he held, on several occasions, in his own hands, and for
which France and posterity have the right to demand account.

If such has been his object (and everything leads to this
conviction), if he has really thought neither of satire, pleading,
nor confession of any kind, but merely of showing that the
fortune of France had not lost by being entrusted to his care,
he could scarcely have found a better way of clearing his
memory from the accusations, which, having never been spared
him in his lifetime, were not likely to be spared him in the
grave. There have been errors and mistakes in the private life
of M. de Talleyrand which no one has a right to justify, since
some of those he himself, of his own free will, solemnly re-
tracted on the point of death. His part in home politics, during
the various phases of the Revolution in which he mixed, will
always give rise to different judgments ; and as he belonged
to none of the parties into which France was at that time
divided, there is no one but believes himself justified in
severely criticising some of his actions. But when he had to
defend, whether as ambassador or minister, the greatness and
independence of his country in the face of the foreigner (foe,
rival, or ally,) it would be difficult to question, and it will be
found that he has not exaggerated, the importance of the
service he has rendered.

To do him full justice in this respect, one must not stay
at the recital he gives of the action he was enabled to take as
minister of the Directory or of the First Empire, fie himself

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passes fairly quickly over these first phases of his ministerial
career, and however great be the events which follow each other
at that time, if he often draws a picture of them with the art
of a consummate historian, it is rather as a witness, than as an
actor in them that he speaks. He leaves his reader to understand
that, whatever high office, he, at that time, held, his power was
in reality but nominal. He only carried out decisions that he
had, as often as not, first combated. Being unable either
to make himself understood by the incapable upstarts of the
Revolution, or listened toby an imperious master who only asked
counsel of his genius or of his passions, all his ingenuity was
employed, after giving advice which was not followed, in
repairing the faults which he would never have committed.
It is at the Congress of Vienna, after the Restoration, at the
embassy at London, after 1830, that, invested with the full con-
fidence of the sovereigns whom he represented, he showed
himself free to act as he would.

In these two circumstances, the most brilliant of his long
career, and which naturally hold the foremost place in the
volumes now submitted to the reader, Talleyrand gave diplo-
macy a place such as it perhaps had never before enjoyed, and
imparted to the person of an ambassador an importance almost
without precedent in history. As a general rule, the most
renowned ambassadors have only been the fortunate interpreters
of a thought that was not their own, and the clever executors of
designs handed to tljem by those above them in office. What
would Father Joseph have been without Richelieu ? Their credit,
besides, depends less on their own merits, than on the use they
know how to make of the fear or the confidence which the
governments that they represent inspire. What would the great

PREFACE. xliii

negotiators of the peace of Westphalia, or of that of the Pyrenees
have beerij without the victories of Conde and Turenne ? No
support of this kind came to Talleyrand on the two occasions on
which all the interests of our country were entrusted to him.
In the one as in the other, he had to rely upon himself alone.

At Vienna, he presented himself before four victorious
powers, closely united, and still under arms ; he spoke in
the name of a monarchy restored after twenty-five years of
trouble, on a tottering basis, in a country still covered with
foreign troops, whose decimated army was not even loyal.
Before the congress had finished its work, the sad mishap
of the Hundred Days reduced him to the almost ridiculous
position of ambassador of an exiled prince. At London, he
was the agent of a still budding power, proceeding from a
revolution, held for this reason in contempt by all the mon-
archies of Europe, and threatened every moment (at least, it
was so believed), with destruction by the very popular force that
had called it into being. There were days when the voice of the
ambassador, bringing assurances of peace to the conferences, was
drowned by echoes from Paris bearing shouts of war, and the
rumbling of rebellion.

It cannot however be called into question (and if there did
exist any doubts in this respect, the reading of the Memoirs
would at once dispel them) that M. de Talleyrand never ceased
a single day, either at London or Vienna, to be the soul of the
congresses and conferences, and the true inspirer of the resolu-
tions of assembled Europe, of which, when all is summed up,
and the difficulties of the circumstances allowed for, France has
in no way suffered. It is easier to state than to define the
sovereign art, which enabled him to supply, by means of his

xliv PREFACE.

cleverness and intellect alone, that support which, at every
moment, failed him from without. In public as in private life,
the ascendency which one man knows how to exercise over
all those who in any way have dealings with him, is a natural
gift for which no species of supremacy will ever adequately
account. The unexpected successes which he obtained, are,
however, to be explained in a great measure, as may be seen
from the Metnoirs, by the rare accuracy of glance which enabled
him to perceive at once, and before all trial, the resources which
could yet be drawn from a situation which any other man
would have considered hopeless.

Thus, in 1S14, on entering the European senate, devoid of
all means for making himself feared, he discerned at once, that
even on the morrow of a victory, material force is not every-
thing, and that the course of events which appeared to be most
unfavourable to him, had yet put at his service a moral
force, which, cleverly managed, could take the place of weapons
of a different character, which he lacked. This moral force,
superior even to the force which the allied courts against us
owed to the number of their soldiers, he sought and found
in the principle loudly proclaimed of monarchical legitimacy.
The text of the instructions he took to the Congress and
which he gave to himself — being at once minister and ambas-
sador — will be read ; it is a general scheme for the restoration
of legitimate monarchy over the whole surface of Europe, and
as a natural consequence the restitution to all sovereigns of
whatever lands their forefathers possessed. The project is
systematically applied, article by article, state by state, without
reserve, without restriction, without embarrassment ; I might
almost say, without false pride, without Talleyrand ever sus-

PREFACE. xlv

pecting, for a moment, that this monarchical faith will cause
some surprise in the mouth of a former minister of the Republic
and of the Empire.

To those who would have expressed this surprise to him,
I feel convinced that he would have been ready to reply with
his habitual sang-froid^ that this contradiction on his part was
only one more homage rendered to necessity by experience.
But the truth is that, after twenty years of strife, which,
saturating the soil of Europe with blood, had mutilated,
lacerated, cut up all territories in a thousand different ways,
an extreme weariness, and a profound disgust of conquests
and revolutions had taken possession of the public mind. The
rapid succession of the republics instituted by the Directory,
and of the kingdoms created by imperial whim, the speedy
passage of these phantasms, that sprung up one day, only to
vanish on the next, had fatigued as much as dazzled the gaze
of peoples. Subjects and princes alike demanded rest, the one as
wearied with passing from hand to hand, and master to master,
as the others with being, by turn, crowned and dethroned,
according to the chance of the day. Some principle of public
law was demanded on all hands, which by regulating the
orderly transmission of power, should strengthen the basis
of all states, tottering from the effect of so many shocks. It
was the credit of Talleyrand to understand the imperious
character of this general sentiment, and the influence which
the representative of Louis XVIII. could draw from it. The
French monarchy restored within its former limits, deprived
only of those annexations which had been acquired by but
transient success, seemed the first and noblest application of
the principle of reparation. In making of Louis XVIII. an

xlvi PREFACE.

interpreter of the common wish and a living protest against
the barbarity of a regime of usurpation and violence, he assigned
to him at once an original and paramount position among
his royal peers. Restored by the acts of a war in which he
had not concurred, the King of France was under obligations
to, and protected by, those who had reopened to him the gates
of his country. Re-established by virtue of a right which
did not depend on force, he became once more their equal,
and considering the antiquity of his race, in a certain measure,
even their superior. That which the fear of his arms could
not effect, respect for a principle obtained for him, and by
restraining the ambition of Napoleon's conquerors, hindered
them from imitating his example and appropriating, as he
had done, at their own caprice and desire, territories occupied
by their armies.

It has been said, I know, that there were here considerations
stamped with a chivalrous loyalty, whose somewhat stilted
expression could scarcely have been sincere, or even quite
serious on the part of Talleyrand. We are given to understand
that, instead of thus following up, from Dresden to Naples, and
in fact over all Europe, the restoration of legitimate sovereigns,
he could with less trouble, have obtained more solid and
substantial advantages. For example, if he had allowed Russia
and Prussia to extend as they chose in the north at the expense
of their neighbours, it would have been possible (it is thought) to
have driven back the German frontier from our own, thus
preventing conflicts in the future, and giving us a better place in
the new European equilibrium. This judgment, which claims
to be essentially useful and practical, has seemed always to
me to depend upon a narrow and superficial acquaintance with

PREFACE. xlvii

facts. I doubt whether it could be maintained in face of the
account of M. de Talleyrand's first appearance at the Congress of
Vienna. There is nothing more dramatic than the account of this
first interview, in which the great powers still allied, declared
to him with a haughty coldness, that, even after peace was
concluded, they intended to maintain themselves in a close and
impenetrable bond, meaning to form a smaller assembly within
the great one, in which the fate of Europe would have been
decided with closed doors, and whose resolutions France would
have had no other alternative but to submit to. Had Talleyrand
done nothing else except break this cordon sanitaire, by showing
himself to be animated with a monarchical sentiment, even more
exaggerated than that of those who suspected him ; had this
unexpected manoeuvre had no other result than to cause one of
his interlocutors to say, with a surprise which but ill-concealed
his deception : " In truth, Talleyrand speaks to us like a minister
of Louis XIV. ! " those who care for our national dignity, even
in the past, ought yet to be grateful to him for it. But it was,
at bottom, a very different question from one of mere dignity or
even honour. It was (as the event but too soon proved) the
very existence of France and its unity which were continually
at stake. For by what other title after all than that of his
hereditary right, had Louis XVIII. got complete restoration of
the territory of his forefathers .'' Besides, to allow elsewhere the
principle of heredity to be violated at the expense of the weak,
without a protest, after having benefited by it one's self, would
have been an inconsistency, nay, even a species of moral ingrati-
tude which would soon have borne fruit, and the perpetrator of it
would soon have had occasion to repent. Ten months had not
yet elapsed, when France having met with fresh disasters, saw her

Iviii PREFACE.

fate once more placed at the mercy of her conquerors, in days
of inexpressible anguish. One map was already drawn, which
took away some of her dearest provinces. Louis XVIII. had
once more to proclaim the inviolable nature of his heritage.
But how could he have raised his voice and gained a hearing, if
he had himself connived by complying through the complacency
of his ambassador at Vienna, in other robberies, as little justifiable
as those with which he was threatened ? Suppose, for example,
that, from motives of self-interest, Talleyrand, instead of
defending the patrimony of our old and faithful friend, the
King of Saxony, had given it up as a prey to the King of
Prussia who coveted it, who could, after Waterloo, have stayed
these same appetites whose insatiable greed was already only
too well known, from extending beyond the Rhine, as far
as the Meuse and the Vosges .-* In reality, the position of
defender of legitimate rights assumed by Talleyrand, was never
better justified than on the day when the shadow of the
material power of the sovereign whom he represented had
vanished, and there only remained to him this moral power,
ideal in appearance, but whose force, the least fanciful man
that ever lived well appreciated on that day.

Fifteen years pass : fifteen years' break in the active life of
Talleyrand, fifteen years' silence in the Me7noirs. Then he re-
emerges, coming to London to demand admission to the
councils of Europe, for a new power, created on the morrow of a
revolution, whose first act had been to interrupt the regular course
of the royal succession. The transition is sudden, it must be
admitted, and this change of rSle as of language takes the
reader by surprise. On second thoughts, however, it is seen that,
in spite of the difference and even often of the contradiction of

PREFACE. xlix

words, the man has not changed ; that the end he pursues is the
same, and that he displays the same art, and the same talents,
whose application alone differs. At Vienna, it was a question of
dissolving a coalition, which, maintaining itself in full peace
condemned us for ever to powerlessness by isolation. At
London, it was necessary to hinder the same coalition from
re-forming for a new war ; the danger was not less pressing and
everything led to the opinion that it would be more difficult to
overcome ; for nothing had changed in the external condition of
Europe since 1815 ; the same sentiments apparently animated
the same cabinets, presided over by the same men : the same
generals were ready to take command of the same armies, and
the rumour of a revolution in France was more than sufficient to
re-awaken the scarcely-lulled hostilities. By the most singular
chance, it was the conqueror of Waterloo himself who presided
over the council of the ministers of England. It seems that he
had only one word to pronounce, one order to give, to set in
motion all that mass of men whom he had led to victory.

And yet all is not the same, for, during these fifteen years
"this large slice of mortal life," as Tacitus says, time has done
its work, and underneath the apparently unchanged surface, a
great change has taken place in the heart of public opinion, and
nowhere more profoundly than in that land of Britain, where
M. de Talleyrand, a refugee and proscribed, has already passed
a part of his youth. That old England which he knew at that
time, the England of Pitt and Castlereagh, the England which
had been the soul of the European coalition, which had breathed
into it the inspiration of its hate, and paid for it with its cash ;
that England whose aristocratic pride and moral instincts Burke
had excited against the revolutionary excesses, that England was

PREFACE.

no longer recognizable. A breath of democratic reforms had
crossed the Channel and penetrated even the Gothic vaults of
Westminster, and when the rising- of July 1830 broke out at
Paris, no voice was raised to curse the new revolution. On the
contrary, England remembered complacently that she had
herself had her revolution, and passed the crown from one
branch to another of the reigning family. The new French
monarchy was formed after the model of the English monarchy
of 1 688, and gave signs of remaining faithful to it ; this
resemblance pleased British pride, which was flattered that
any one should copy her example. M. de Talleyrand had no
sooner set foot upon English ground, than he was warned of
this change by every current of political atmosphere that
surrounded him, and divined at once new means of action that
a new situation had given him. His plan was made ; to the
coalition of the monarchies of the Continent which were fright-
ened by all revolutions, he opposed the alliance of two liberal
monarchies, both founded on national will ; and, in the speech
he addressed to the King of England, the first time he was
received in solemn audience, he did not hesitate to offer to
the heir of the House of Brunswick the friendship of the
King of the French in the name of a community of principles,
and of a common origin.

From this moment his course was safe. The accession of
a liberal ministry, whose coming into office he had foreseen,
only served to remove all obstacles. He took a lever that
he knew how to use. The threatening coalition was crushed
in the bud, as soon as England retired from it. The English
alliance even became the pivot of a long negotiation, which was
to end in substituting on our frontiers, an amicable neutrality

PREFACE. II

for a very inconvenient neighbour, by creating, at Brussels, one
more kingdom whicii, like that of France, was the result of
the national choice.

Here we are, and we must acknowledge it, far from Vienna,
and the absolute principle of legitimacy. It could of course
no longer be appealed to, at least with the same authority. It
is the respect due to the national will that has replaced it.
There are certainly many objections to make to that supple-
ness of mind which permitted political principles to be
considered not as ultimate truths compelling assent, but as
instruments of a practical utility, which could be made use of
according to the convenience of their application. Do we not,
however, see in that the almost inevitable result of frequent
revolutions .-* Talleyrand, assuredly, is not the only man of that
generation of 1789, who, having entered life with noble illusions,
after several unsuccessful attempts, followed by as many dis-
appointments, conceived a contempt for theory, and acquired a
stock of political scepticism. Allowing full weight to this
reservation, it is difficult not to be sensible of the suppleness
and richness of that mind which, proceeding from most dis-
similar cases, from entirely opposite sources, could draw to the
service of the same cause an inexhaustible variety of arguments
and resources : and it is only fair to acknowledge, besides the
flexibility of his form, the perseverance of his patriotism, and
that he never lost sight of the fact that, whatever might be the
internal condition of France, whether she be preparing revolu-
tions or restorations, it was still France, and that she had a right
to be served with equal care for her present security and future
greatness.

Finally, we should still fall short of doing full justice, if, by

lii PREFACE.

the side of the personal share taken by Talleyrand in the happy
results of the negotiations he conducted, the honour of which
accrues to him, we failed to attribute an honour as great, or
almost so, to the firm and intelligent support rendered him by
the two sovereigns whom he served. The Memoirs have the
merit of acknowledging this share, and of rendering to both
representatives of the House of France the exalted position
which is their due.

The letters of Louis XVIII. that have been already pub-
lished will not be read without emotion, letters which compel
admiration for the nobleness of the language which is only
equalled by the sublimity of the sentiments it expresses, and the
unmistakable royal tone that pervades them. Certain papers,
not yet published, will but serve to confirm and increase this
impression.-' In the negotiation relative to the creation of the
kingdom of Belgium, the correspondence of Louis Philippe,
presents a character, different indeed, but which does him no
less honour. They are the counsels of perfected experience, of
a restless vigilance, noting the most minute details, and giving
the preference consistently, to every public interest, as against

^ There will be found, worthy of special note, in the third volume of the Memoirs^
a letter from King Louis XVIII. which is of such keen interest that I feel that I
ought to give it at once. It is addressed to M. de Talleyrand in 1815, at the time of
the second occupation of Paris by the allies, on receipt of the news that the Prussians
were proposing to destroy the " Bridge of Jena," whose name aroused painful mem-
ories. The following is the tenor of it : —

" I have just been informed that the Prussians have undermined the bridge of
Jena, and that they will probably blow it up to-night. The Due d'Otrante carries
instnictions to General Maison to prevent this by every means in his power. But as
you know he has none at all. So do all you possibly can, by means of the Duke (of
Wellington) and Lord Castlereagh. As to myself, I will, if necessary, go to the
bridge in person ; they may then blow me up, if they like.

" Louis.
^^ Saturday, 10 A.M."

This document, signed by the king itself, is to be found in the papers of M. de
Talleyrand, who took the more care to preserve it that this generous trait of Louis
XVIII. , already mentioned, though it is, in the writings of the time, has often been
questioned.

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those of dynasty, or family, while, on critical occasions, his
decision is always manly and sensible. Both of them, in a
word, have been the faithful guardians of the powerful French
unity created by their ancestors, and which they have had the
good fortune to leave intact to their successors, whose blunders
and follies have since compromised it. If the lamentable
mutilation that this unity has undergone were irreparable,
history would say that it perished on the day on which the
race that founded it left the throne.

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I DO not know what title to give to this writing. It is not
a literary work : it is full of repetitions. I can scarcely call
it My Memoirs, for my life and relations will be found
mentioned in it as seldom as I could help. To give this large
work the title of: My Opinion on the Affairs of my Time,
would be a term, perhaps justified, but also too decided to be
at the head of the production of a man who has doubted as
much as I have in my life. A philosophical title would be
incomplete or exaggerated. I therefore begin without title,
and without a dedication, for I recognize in the Duchesse de
Dine alone the obligation of defending my memory.

CONTENTS.

PART I.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION.
1754—1791-

Talleyrand's birth — His parents — Early years — Is trained for the Church-
Sent to Rheims — Coronation of Louis XVI. — Appointed Agent-general
to the clergy — French society before the Revolution — Comte de Choiseul-
Gouffier — American War of Independence — Relations between Eng-
land and France — Turgot — de Vergennes — Calonne — Necker — The
deficit — The Assembly of the Notables — The meeting of the States-
General — Public opinion and the clergy — The French aristocracy on the
eve of the Revolution — Talleyrand appointed deputy of the clergy to
the States-General — Premonitory symptoms of the Revolution — The
Comte d'Artois — The emigration of the nobles — The Constituent
Assembly — Restriction of the royal prerogatives — Civil constitution of
the clergy — Talleyrand consecrates the first constitutional bishops —
Resigns the bishopric of Autun — Interview between Talleyrand and the
Comte d'Artois — Baron de Vitrolles' letter to M. de Bacourt.

Pages I — 108

PART II.

THE DUC D'ORL^ANS.

General considerations on the importance of private Memoirs and reliable
biographies to history — Lineage of Louis-Philippe-Joseph, fifth Due
d'Orldans — His early years and dispositions — His education — His
frivolity and drjTiess of heart — His marriage with Mademoiselle de
Penthi^vre — Associates of the Ducd'Orl^ans — M. deVoyer — AbbdYvon
— M. de Lille — M. de Voyer's philosophy — M. de Voyer and M. de
Maurepas — The Prince de Lamballe — The Marquis de Conflans — Cruel
indifference of the Due d'Orl^ans — M. de Biron— The liaisons of the
Due d'Orl^ans — The Princesse de Bouillon — The Marquis de Fleury —
The Princesse de Lamballe — Madame de Sillery, Comtesse de Genlis—

Iviii CONTENTS.

Her influence over the Due de Chartres — Her literary productions-
Count de Cagliostro — The Chevaher de Luxemburg — Speculations of
the Due d'Orleans — Outrageous proceedings of this prince towards his
treasurer, S^guin — The Due d'Orleans wishes to become grand-admiral
— He is appointed colonel-general of hussars — Mademoiselle Arnould,
the famous actress — Journey of the Due dOrl^ans to England and to
Italy — He falls seriously ill — Grand-master of the freemasons — De-
bauchery and depravity of the Due d'Orldans — Agitation in France —
Forebodings of the Revolution — The deficit — M. de Calonne summons
an assembly of the Notables — Intrigues of the Due d'Orleans against
the king — The Marquis Duerest — Ambition of the Due d'Orldans —
Measures taken by the Archbishop of Toulouse against the parlements
— M. and Mdme. de Sdmonville — A loan of ^16,000,000 — General dis-
content of the people — Louis XVI. refuses to allow the Due d'OrMans
to go on a visit to England — Differences between the Queen and the
Due d'Orldans — -Trianon — The Due d'Orldans becomes the head of all
malcontents — M. de Limon's ability — Abb^ Sabatier de Cabre — The lits
de justice — The Marquis de Lamoignon — The edict of 1787 and the
Protestants — The sitting of November 19, 1787 — M. d'Espresmdnil —
Public protest of the Due d'Orleans against the king's orders — Lepelletier
de St.-Fargeau — Imprisonment of the Abbds Frdteau and Sabatier —
Exile of the Due d'Orleans — Popular outburst of sympathy on this
measure being known — Intervention of the parletnent of Paris — Ener-
getic attitude of Louis XVI. — The Due d'Orleans forgiven by the king —
Struggle between M. de Brienne and i\\e parlements — Stringent measures
of the government — Premonitory symptoms of the Revolution — Riot in
the Faubourg St.-Antoine — M. de Laclos^ — Abbd Si^y^s — Project of
reforms drawn up by the Due d'Orleans for the States-General — Judg-
ment of Prince Talleyrand on the political part played by the Due
d'Orldans — The origin and causes of the Revolution . Pages 109 — 164

PART III.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE, THE EARLY
YEARS OF THE EMPIRE,

I791 — 1S08.

CONTENTS. lix

America — Nearly shipwrecked — Stay at Falmouth — General Arnold —
Lands at Philadelphia — M. de Beaumetz — William Penn — The Mor-
avian brethren — The spirit of enterprise in America — General Hamilton
— American commercial competition and its results — Talleyrand at
Ch^nier's request is authorized to return to France — Starts for Ham-
bxorg — Madame de Flahaut and Talleyrand — Returns to Paris — Elected
a member of the Institut — Madame de Stael — Talleyrajid and Barras —
Talleyrand appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs — Why he accepted
office — Camot and Barras — Talleyrand's first letter to Bonaparte —
Treaty of Campo-Formio — Lord Malmesbury — Fructidor 1 8 — First
interview between Bonaparte and Talleyrand — Catherine of Russia and
the French Revolution — The Directory and Europe — Moreau — Talley-
rand retires from the Cabinet — Si^yfes and the Directory — Bonaparte in
Egypt — Brumaire i8 — Bonaparte appointed First Consul — Talleyrand
takes office again — Paul \. and Bonaparte — Marengo — Treaty of Lund-
ville — The United States and the French Republic — Lord Comwallis
and Joseph Bonaparte — Treaty of Amiens — The Concordat — Talley-
rand's secularization — Bonaparte's blunder — Annexation of Piedmont
to France — England declares war — Pichegru' s death — Assassination of
the Due d'Enghien — Proclamation of the Empire — Napoleon emperor
and king — The camp at Boulogne — The Austrian campaign — Napoleon
at Schcsnbrunn — Austerlitz — Napoleon and the Faubourg St Germain
— Talleyrand created Prince de B^n^vent — Treaty of Presburg — Count
von Haugwitz — Fox and Talleyrand — Lord Yarmouth and Lord Lauder-
dale — Prussia and Hanover — Battle of Jena — Treaty of Tilsit — Napoleon
and Poland —War with Russia— Battle of Eylau— Battle of Friedland —
The interview of the three emperors — Napoleon and the Queen of
Prussia — Napoleon's return to Paris — Talleyrand appointed Vice Grand
Elector — Retires from the Ministry — His apology for doing so — Napo-
leon's designs on Spain — Defeat of Junot — Capitulation of Baylen — The
Erfurt interview — Talleyrand and the Czar Alexander — Failure of
Napoleon's projects against Austria . * . . Pages 165 — 242

PART IV.

SPANISH AFFAIRS.
1807.

Napoleon's shameful breach of faith towards Charles IV. of Spain —

Don Juan de Escoiquiz, Canon of Toledo, and the Prince of the Asturias

-j^e intrigues of Godoy, Prince of the Peace — Don Escoiquiz' plan to

thwart them — The French ambassador and Don Escoiquiz — Napoleon's
f^^g Letter of the Prince of the Asturias to Napoleon — Letter of the

Ix CONTENTS.

Prin-e of the Peace to the Emperor — Provisions of the treaty of
Fontainebleau — Projected dismemberment of Portugal — Secret Conven-
tion aimed at Spain, though ostensibly at Portugal — The French troops
in Spain — Arrest of the Prince of the Asturias — He is put on his trial —
Declared not guilty— Occupation of Navarra, Catalonia, and Guipuzcoa
by the French — Fears of the Prince of the Peace — Projected flight of
the royal family — Indignation of the people — General discontent against
Godoy, Prince of the Peace — The Aranjuez riots — Popular hatred
against Godoy — Loyalty of the people towards the royal family — Arrest
of Godoy — He is put on his trial — Abdication of King Charles IV. in
favour of Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias — Arrival of Ferdinand VII.
at Madrid — The Grand Due de Berg (Murat) and King Ferdinand —
Change of the people's disposition towards the French — Negotiations
between Don Escoiquiz and the Grand Due de Berg — Murat insists on
the suspension of Godoy's trial — Murat demands the release of the latter,
in Napoleon's name — Ferdinand VII. sends his brother Don Carlos to
meet Napoleon on his way to Spain — Charles IV.'s protest — Retracts
his abdication — Don Antonio appointed Regent — Ferdinand VII. leaves
Madrid, on his way to Bayonne — Free for eight hours — Lasciate ogni
speranza — Arrival at Bayonne — Ferdinand and the Infante Antonio
practically prisoners — Napoleon unmasks his designs — Offers to Ferdi-
nand the kingdom of Etruria, in exchange for the cession of the rights of
the latter to the Crown of Spain — Refusal of Ferdinand — Noble reply of
the Marquis de Labrador to M. de Champagny — Napoleon and Don
Escoiquiz — It is too late ! — Charles IV. at Bayonne — Ferdinand's re-
nunciation of the crown — Murat appointed lieutenant-general of Spain —
The royal princes of Spain at the chateau of Valengay — Prince Talleyrand
welcomes them — Inaptitude of the princes for study — Everyday life at
Valengay — Talleyrand summoned to Nantes — Napoleon's bluster —
Scathing retort of Talleyrand — Rupture between Napoleon and Talley-
rand — Talleyrand summoned to Erfurt — Takes leave of the Spanish
princes — Their gratitude — By the grace of God — The Emperor of Russia
recognizes Joseph Bonaparte as King of Spain — Treaty of Valen^ay —
Failure of Napoleon's designs on Spain — The result of Napoleon's
threats against England — Want of dignity of Ferdinand VII. — His
return to Madrid — His cruel proceedings towards his faithful supporters
— England's fault in Spain Pages 243 — 292

PART V.

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW,

1808.

Napoleon holds out a bait to Russia — The prospective partition of Turkey
■ — Silesia to France as compensation for Wallachia and Moldavia to
Russia — Alexander incensed — Napoleon's letter to the Czar,desisting from
all pretensions to Silesia and proposing to meet him in order to arrange

CONTENTS. Ixi

the best means of carrying war into India — Reply of Alexander accepting
to meet Napoleon — Count Romanzoff and Turkey — Russia wants
Constantinople — The Turks must be driven back to Asia — France and
the Porte — Russia and Sweden — Conquest of Finland — Talleyrand
receives orders to accompany Napoleon to Erfurt, the emperors' meeting-
place — Confidence displayed by Napoleon towards Talleyrand — A
brilliant journey — Napoleon wishes to dazzle the Germans — Invites
Talleyrand to induce the kings and princes to come to Erfurt —
Napoleon and Dazincourt — Choice of plays — Cinna — The actors of the
ComJdie FrarK^aise ordered to repair to Erfurt — The military retinue of
Napoleon — Napoleon discloses to Talleyrand his projects for Erfurt —
Orders Talleyrand to draw up a convention aimed against England —
Text of that convention — Napoleon objects to certain expressions —
Austria, Napoleon's enemy — Napoleon insists on inserting, in the
convention, a clause directed against Austria — Rebukes Talleyrand —
Vous etes toujours Autrichien ! — Final instructions of Napoleon to
Talleyrand — Talleyrand's arrival at Erfurt — M. de Caulaincourt and
Talleyrand — List of the crowned heads and eminent personages present
at Erfurt — Arrival of the Emperor Napoleon at Erfurt — General
enthusiasm — The attendant kings and princes humble themselves in the
presence of their victor — Arrival of the Czar Alexander — His friendly
meeting with Napoleon — The latter introduces changes into the projected
convention — Austria's fear — M. de Vincent and Talleyrand — Interview
between Napoleon and Goethe — Napoleon's judgment on Schiller's
Thirty Years' War — The play at Erfurt — The impressions of the kings
and princes — Delight of the Czar — Private interview between Napoleon
and the latter — Uneasiness of the Austrian envoy — The Princess of
Tour and Taxis — Napoleon invites Goethe and Wieland to lunch —
Napoleon's judgment as to the influence of Christianity on the develop-
ment of civilization — Conversation of Napoleon with Wieland — Inter-
view between the Czar and Talleyrand — The latter endeavours to defeat
the projects of Napoleon — Induces the Czar to write to the Emperor
of Austria, in order to soothe his apprehensions — Napoleon fails to
persuade the Czar — He lets out his secret — Fete at Weimar — Napoleon's
opinion on Tacitus — Wieland's defence of the great Roman historian —
Return to Erfurt — Confidential interview between Napoleon and the
Czar — Conversation with Talleyrand — Napoleon wants to divorce —
Judgment of the Czar on Napoleon — Napoleon and the Czar before a
pitful of kings at Erfiirt — Napoleon's opinion of ideologists — Christianity,
the best system of philosophy — Napoleon starts for Spain — The Erfurt
convention. ........ Pages 293—342

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Charles Maurice Talleyrand, from a painting by Greuze, in the possession of
M. Chaix d'Est-Ange. (Reprinted by the courtes)' of the Century Magazine.')

Frontispiece.

L'Abbe de Perigord, from an original pastel, in the possession of Monsieur
Moreau-Chaslons ...... Facing page r6

Charles Maurice Talleyrand, from an engraving in the " Galeries de Versailles,''
Serie X. (Reprinted by the courtesy of the Cosmopolitan Magazine.)

Facing page 112

Charles Maurice Talleyrand, from an old engraving. (Reprinted by the courtesy
oiih& Cosmopolitan Magazine.) .... Facing page I'^d

MEMOIRS

OF THE

PRINCE DE TALLEYRAND.

PART I.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION.

1754—1791-

Talleyrand's birth — His parents — Early years — Is trained for the Church —
Sent to Rheims — Coronation of Louis XVL — Appointed Agent-general
to the clergy — French society before the Revolution — Comte de Choiseul-
Gouffier — American War of Independence — Relations between Eng-
land and France — Turgot — de Vergennes — Calonne — Necker — The
deficit — The Assembly of the Notables — The meeting of the States-
General — Public opinion and the clergy — The French aristocracy on the
eve of the Revolution — Talleyrand appointed deputy of the clergy to
the States-General — Premonitory symptoms of the Revolution — The
Comte d'Artois — The emigration of the nobles — The Constituent
Assembly — Restriction of the royal prerogatives— Civil constitution of
the clergy — Talleyrand consecrates the first constitutional bishops —
Resigns the bishopric of Autun — Interview between Talleyrand and the
Comte d'Artois — Baron de Vitrolles' letter to M. de Bacourt.

I WAS born in 1754^; my parents had a very small fortune
but held at court a position which, if properly taken advantage
of, could secure for themselves and their children the highest
offices.

^ Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand, the author of these memoirs, was the son of
Charles-Daniel de Talleyrand-Perigord (1734— 1788), lieutenant-general and menin*
to the Dauphin ; and the grandson of Daniel-Marie de Talleyrand, Comte de Grignols,
brigadier-general of the king's armies. Alexandrine de Damas, daughter of Joseph
de Damas, Marquis d'Antigny, was his mother. Marie-Elisabelh Chamillard,
daughter of Michel Chamillard, Marquis de Cany, was his grandmother.

* The name given, under the old monarchy, to a nobleman attached to the person of the Dauphin.
— ( Translator.)

VOL. L B

2 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

For a long time, the chief families of France, though not
actually disdaining to hold offices attaching them to the person
of the sovereign, displayed little anxiety to obtain them. They
were satisfied with believing, or affecting to believe, themselves
in the foremost rank in the nation. Thus the descendants of the
old chief \assals of the Crown had less occasion to be personally
known to the king than the descendants of some minor barons
of the duch)' of France, holding, for this reason, higher offices
about the sovereign's person.

The pride which induced most families of high lineage to
keep aloof from court, caused the king to view them with less
favour.

In order to enhance the royal power. Cardinal Richelieu sum,-
moned the heads of chief families before the king. They settled
at court, forewent their independence, and, by a more profound
devotion, endeavoured to make up for the disadvantage of having
come last.

The glory of Louis XIV. was one of the reasons why, under
his reign and subsequently, all men's ideas were centred within
the limits of the chateau of Versailles.

The Regency was, so to speak, an interregnum, undisturbed
cither by financial disasters or by the depravation of morals, the
premonitory sj'mptoms of which had been so severely checked
at the close of the former reign.

Louis XV. was then enjoj-ing universal respect, the first
subjects of the Crown still considered obedience to the sovereign
as glorious ; they did not conceive any other power or lustre
than those proceeding from the king's majesty.

The quecn^ was reverenced, but the very melancholy of her
virtues did not prepossess people in her favour. She was wanting
in those outward charms that caused the nation to be so proud
of the fine features of Louis XV. Mcnce the mixed feeling of
justice and indulgence which on one hand led people to pity the
queen, and, on the other, induced them to excuse the inclination
shown by the king towards Madame de Pompadour.- M. de

' Maria Leczinska, Queen of France, daughter of Stanislas, King of Poland, and
of Catherine Opalinska. She was born in 1703; in 1725 she became tl^e wife of
Louis XV., by whom she had two sons and eight daughters. She died in 1768.

- Jeanne- Antoinette Poisson, Marquise de I'ompadour, born in Paris in 1721,

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 3

Penthievre,^ the MarecJiale de Duras,^ Madame de Luynes,^
Madame de Marsan/ Madame de Perigord,^ the Duchesse de
Fleury,^ M. de Sourches/ Madame de Villars,^ M. de Tavannes,®
Madame d'Estissac/° doubtless grieved at the fact, yet were
afraid of disclosing by open reproach what was looked upon as
one of those known family secrets, which nobody dares to deny,
but hopes to palliate by hushing them up and behaving as
though one were not aware of their existence. All the persons
I have just mentioned would have considered that they were

died in 1764. She was the daughter of an army contractor, and when quite young
married Lenormand d'Etioles, z. fcrmier-gaieral. In 1744, she left her husband to
become the mistress of the king, who in the following year createi her Marquise de
Pompadour, with a yearly income of 200,000 livres (about ;i{^8,ooo). In 1756, she
was appointed lady of the queen's household. Madame de Pompadour was as re-
markable for her taste as for her beauty ; ?he was long the queen of fashion. She
preser\'ed her influence until her death. The memoirs and letters published under
her name in 1785 are apocryphal. — {Translator.)

' Louis de Bourbon, Due de Penthievre, born in 1725, was the son of the Comte
de Toulouse, illegitimate son of Louis XIV. and of Madame de Montespan. He
m.arried Mademoiselle d'Este. The Prince of Lamballe was one of his sons ; the Due
d'Orleans married one of his daughters. The Due de Penthievre was appointed
grand-admiral in 17.34, and lieutenant-general in 1744. In 17S7, he was president of
one of the committees of the assnnhL'e dcs notables (a deliberative body whose
members were chosen by the king, chiefly from the Third Estate {^Translators ). He
lived on his estates until his death, which occurred in 1793.

^ Angelique de Bournonville, daughter of the Piince de Eournonville, Comte
d'Heim, became in 1706 the wife of Jean-Baptiste de Durfort, Due de Duras,
Marshal of France. She was lady in waiting to Mesdames the daughters of Louis XV.,
and died in 1764.

^ Marie Brillart de la Borde, daughter of a chief judge in the parlemcnt of
Dijon, was the second wife of Philippe d'Albert, Due de Luynes, whom she married
in 1732. She was lady in waiting to the queen and died in 1763.

^ Marie-Louise de Rohan-Soubise, a relation of the marshal of this name, was
bomini720. In 1736, she married Gaston de Lorraine, Comte de Marsan. Shewas
governess to the enfants de France (the graceful name given to the royal children
under \\\t. o\^ regime {Translator']).

^ Marguerite de Talleyrand, daughter of Louis de Talleyrand, Prince de Chalais,
was the grand-aunt of the author. She was born in 1727, and married Gabriel de
Talleyrand, Comte de Perigord, in 1743.

^ Anne d'Auxy de Monceaux, born in 1721, married in 1736, Andre de Rosset,
Due de Fleury, a relation of the cardinal of this name. In 1739, she was appointed
lady of the queen's household.

' Louis p-ran9ois du Bouchet, Comte de Sourches, Marquis de Tourzel, knight of
Malta, grand provost of France, was born in 1744. In 1764, he married Louise de
Croy d'Havre.

" Gabrielle de Noailles, daughter of the Marshal Due de Noailles, was born in
J 706. In 1721, she became the wife of Armand, Due de Villars, son of the marshal of
this name. She was successively lady of the queen's household and lady of the bed-
chamber, and died in 177'-

8 Charles, Comte de Saulx-Tavannes, was born in 1713. In 1758, he was lieutenant-
general and Kmght of Honour {eqnerry) to the queen.

"> Marie de la Rochefoucauld (known as Mademoiselle de la Roche-Guyon), was
bom in 1 718. In 1737, she was married to Louis de la Rochefoucauld de Roye,
Due d'Estissac, grand master of the wardrobe.

B 2

4 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

forfeiting their honour by admitting too openly the failings of

the king.

My relatives held various situations with the royal family.
My grandmother was lady of the queen's household, and was
treated with especial regard by the king ; she always resided at
Versailles and kept no house in Paris.

She had five children. Like that of all persons connected
with the court, their early tuition was rather neglected, or, at
least, devoted to few important branches of knowledge. As to
their subsequent education, it was to consist merely in imparting
to them what was termed the usages of society. Their outward
appearance was prepossessing.

My grandmother had noble, refined and reserved manners.
Her piety won universal respect for her, and the fact of her
num.erous family caused the frequent steps she took towards
securing and promoting the future of her children to be regarded
as quite natural.

My father held the same views as his mother concerning
the education befitting children whose parents enjo}-ed a
position at court. Thus mine was rather left to take care
of itself: not through any indifference towards me, but owing
to the special disposition of the mind which leads some
people to consider that the best plan is to do or to be like
everybody else.

Too much care would have seemed pedantry ; affection too
openly expressed would have been regarded as quite unusual and
therefore ridiculous. Children, at that time, inherited their
father's name and eoat of arms. Parents considered they had
done enough for their progeny by opening a career to them
and securing for them advantageous posts ; by marrying them
and increasing their allowance.

Paternal care had not }'ct come into fashion ; the fashion was
indeed the very reverse, when I was a child ; thus my early years
were cheerlessly spent in an outh'ing district of Paris. At the
age of four, I was still there, when I accidentally fell from the
top of a cupboard, and dislocated my foot. The woman to whose
care I was entrusted only informed my family of this several
months afterwards. The truth became known only when my

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 5

parents sent for me to go to Perigord to visit Madame de Chalais/
my grandmother, who had expressed a wish to see me. Although
Madame de Chalais was my great-grandmother, I always called
her grandma, very likely, I think, because this name implied a
closer relationship. The dislocation of my foot was already too
old to be remedied ; even my other foot having had to bear
alone the whole weight of my body, had grown weaker, and thus
I remained lame for life.

This accident had a great influence on my after-life. It
indeed led my parents to think I was unfit for a military career,
or at least, that, in such, I should labour under great disadvan-
tages ; they were thus induced to seek for me some other
profession, which, in their eyes, would be best calculated to serve
the interests of t\\Qfajni/y. For, in great families, the /"^;;z//j' was
far more cared for than its members individually, especially than
those young members who were still unknown. These considera-
tions are rather painful to my mind ... so I will not dwell further
on them.

In the Bordeaux coach, I was entrusted to the care of a
kindly woman named Mademoiselle Charlemagne, and after a
journey, which lasted seventeen days, I reached Chalais. ^

Madame de Chalais was a most refined and distinguished
lady ; her mind, her language, the dignity of her manners, the
sound of her voice, were most winning. She still retained what
was termed the wit of the Mortemarts, being indeed a Mortemart
by birth.

My appearance pleased her; she acquainted me with feelings
hitherto unknown to me. She was the first member of my
family who displayed any affection towards me, and also the first
who taught me the sweetness of filial love. God bless her for
it 1 . . . For I was really fondly attached to her ! To this day,
her memory is dear to me. Many a time have I regretted her !
Many a time have I bitterly understood how priceless is the

1 Marie-Frangoise de Rochechouart, daughter of Louis de Rochechouart, Due de
Mortemart, married Michel Chamillart, Marquis de Cany, by whom she had a daughter
— the author's grandmother. After the death of the marquis, Marie-Franfoise, his
•widow, became the wife of Louis Charles de Talleyrand, Prince de Chalais, Spanibh
grandee, who died in 1757-

2 Chalais, chief town of the canton (administrative district) of Charente, near
Earbezieux.

6- THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

sincere affection of some member of one's own family. Such
affection affords immense comfort through the trials and troubles
of life, when those who inspire it are near to us. When they
arc awa}^ it soothes both the heart and the mind, and enables
us calmly to collect our thoughts.

The time spent at Chalais left a deep impression on my mind.
The dispositions of children and their after-life inclinations
are often determined by the objects which first impressed their
eyes and minds.

In the provinces distant from the capital, a certain care paid
to dignity and position, ruled the relations existing between the
members of the old aristocracy still residing on their estates, and
the lesser nobility and the tenants on the said estates. The
chief nobleman of a province would have considered it beneath
him not to have been kind and polite. His more distinguished
neighbours would have considered it a want of self-respect
to fail in displaying towards the bearers of ancient names
that regard and respect, which, expressed, as it was, freely and
without emphasis, seemed but the homage of the heart. As to
tlie peasantry, their lord only visited them to assist and address
to them some kind and comforting words, the influence of v/hich
was felt in the neighbourhood, for the minor nobility endeavoured
to follow the example set them by the leading aristocracy of
their province.

The manners of the Perigord nobility resembled their old
castles ; they were imposing and firmly based; the light of modern
refinement only came subdued. People were moving slowly but
wisely towards a more enlightened stage of civilization.

The t)-ranny of petty lords no longer existed ; it had been
stamped out by the spirit of chivalry, by the gallant and
courteous feelings the latter gave rise to amongst Southern
nations, and chiefly by the growth of royal power based on the
emancipation of peoples.

1 hose whose career at court was over, were fond of retiring
to the provinces that had witnessed the greatness of their
lamilics. Once back on their estates, they there enjoyed the
alfcctionatc and respectful consideration of all around them — a
consideration enhanced by the traditions of the pro\'ince and the

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 7

recollection of the past might of their ancestors. This regard
reflected a certain credit on the persons composing the etitourage
of the descendants of the families which were formerly the sole
dispensers of lordly favours in the district The Revolution itself
failed to tarnish the lustre of, or to break the spell possessed by,
these ancient seats of sovereign power. The castles of provincial
lords are like those old deserted shrines from which the faithful
have fled, but whose traditions still enforce respect.

Chalais Castle was one of the relics of those revered and dear
old times. My grandmother there held, as it were, a court com-
posed of several gentlemen of ancient families, very different from
the vassals of the thirteenth century, but whose deference and
refined manners were mingled with the loftiest feelings. M. de
Benac, M. de Verteuil, M. d'Absac, M. de Gourville, M. de
Chauveron, M. de Chamillard, delighted in accompanying her
every Sunday to the parish mass, each of them discharging
towards her duties dignified by exquisite politeness. A little
chair close to my grandmother's /rzV-<3'/£:z^ was reserved for me.

On returning from mass, everybody met in a spacious hall in
the castle called the Apothicaireric} This room contained various
large jars carefully disposed on shelves and kept with scrupulous
cleanliness ; they were filled with ointments, the recipes of which
had always been faithfully preserved at the castle. Every year
they were prepared with the greatest care by the village surgeon
and vicar. There were besides a few bottles of elixirs and
syrups, as well as boxes containing other medicaments. In the
cupboards was stored a considerable stock of lint and of very
fine old linen bands of various widths.

All the sick persons who required assistance were assembled
in the preceding room. We greeted them as we passed through.
Mademoiselle Saunier, a chambermaid who had been longest in
my grandmother's service, introduced them in turn. My grand-
mother was seated on a velvet armchair ; in front of her was
placed an old black lacquered table. She wore a silk dress,
trimmed with lace, with a riband collarette and sleeve-knots
suited to the season. She also wore triple cuffs with large
designs ; a tippet, a head-dress adorned with a butterfly, and a

^ The surgery.

S THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

black mantilla tied under the chin. Such was her Sunday attire,
more elegant than that she wore on week-days.

The red velvet bag trimmed with gold lace, containing my
grandmother's books of devotion, was carried by M. de Benac,
who, on his great-grandmother's side, was distantly related
to us.

My close relationship secured for me a seat next to the old
lady. Two sisters of mercy, ha\'ing questioned each patient as
to the nature of his disease or sore, mentioned the special oint-
ment likely to heal or relieve him. My grandmother pointed
out where the remedy was kept ; one of the gentlemen who had
waited on her at church fetched it, whilst another brought the
drawer containing the linen : of this I took a piece, from which
my grandmother herself cut the quantity required for bandages.
Each patient then received some plants for his potion, some wine,
the medicine prescribed, and always some other substantial relief,
but that which most touched his heart, were the kind and
considerate words from the good lady who endeavoured to
alleviate his suflerings.

More learned and elaborate drugs, even if distributed as
gratuitously by famous doctors, would have failed to attract as
many poor people, and cspeciall}^, to do them as much good.
Carefulness, respect, faith, and gratitude, the chief means of cure
for the lower classes, A\'Ould have been absent.

Man is a compound of a body and soul, which latter rules
the former. Wounded men to whose sores the balm of conso-
lation has been applied, patients to whom words of hope have
been spoken, are on the high road to recovery ; their blood flows
more freely, their humours get purified, their nerves are invigo-
rated, sleep returns to them, and their bodies regain strength.
Confidence is the most efficient of all remedies, and it is strongest
when it proceeds from the solicitude of a lady of rank with whom
all ideas of power and protection are connected.

I am perhaps dwelling too long on these details, but I am not
writing a book, I am only noting my impressions. The recollec-
tion of what I saw and heard during these early )-ears of m)' life is
extremely pleasant to my mind. " Your name," I \\'as dail}- told,
" was al\va)-s held in veneration in our province." — " Our famih-,"

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 9

people afifectionately said to me, " was at all times serving some

member of yours. . . . This piece of ground we received from

your grandfather ... he it was who built our church . . . my

mother's cross is a gift from your grandmother ... he who

comes from a good stock cannot degenerate ! You will be kind

too, will you not ? " . . . I am very likely indebted to these early

years for the general spirit of my conduct in life. If I displayed

affectionate and even tender feelings without too much familiarity ;

if, in various circumstances, I showed pride without haughtiness ;

if I love and respect old people, it is at Chalais, by the side of

my grandmother, that I imbibed all the good feelings which

surrounded my relatives in that district, and which they enjoyed

with deJight. For, there are feelings which increase from

generation to generation. For a long time to come, people,

whose fame or fortune are of recent origin will be unable to

appreciate their sweetness.^ The best of them are always too

much inclined to act the part of protectors. Let the wife of

Marshal Lefebvre^ say to the head of some noble Alsatian family,

devoid of resources and just returned from emigration : " What

shall we do with your eldest son .-'... In what regiment shall

we place his brother .-'... Have we got some living in view for

the abbe .-*... When shall we marry Henrietta ? . . . I know a

convent where we ought to send the little girl . . ." Though

washing really to be kind, she will simply appear ridiculous.

Inward feelings will cause him to decline her kindness, and

the pride of poverty will even experience a certain satisfaction at

such a refusal. But, I am quite forgetting that I am but eight

years old ; and as yet incapable of foreseeing that present

manners bear evident signs that these inherited feelings will

gradually dwindle away.

I learned at Chalais all that could possibly be learned in the

^ The article in the Charter " stating that the old and new titles are preser\'ed has no
more sense than the motion made by M. Mathieu de Montmorency to the Constituent
Assembly, to abolish all titles. In our government, the poliiical nobility resides
■wholly in the House of Peers ; and there, it is individual. Outside of it, some people
bear names connected with i-ome historical facts, but which confer no legal rights, and
which it is impossible either to over- or underrate.— (/'Ww^'^ Talleyrand.)

2 When but a private, Marshal Lefebvre, Due de Dantzig, had married the laundress
of his regiment.
* The Charter of liberties granted to France by Louis XVIII. on his return from Mittau.—(rr<inf/.)

lo THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

place, that is, to read, write and to a certain extent, to speak
the patois of the province. My studies had been Hmited to
this when I had to return to Paris. On taking leave of u\y
grandmother I shed tears, and so did she, so great was her
affection for me. As on coming down, so on returning, the
Bordeaux coach was seventeen days on the way.

At eleven o'clock on the morning of the seventeenth day, I
reached Paris. An old valet of my family was waiting for me
at the station in the Rue d'Enfer, and took me direct to the
College d'Harcourt,^ where, at twelve o'clock, I was seated at
dinner by the side of a charming boy of my age who shared,
and still shares, all the cares, pleasures, and dreams of my
life. This was M. de Choiseul, known ever since his marriage
under the name of de Choiseul-Gouffier.- I had been pain-
fully impressed by having been so hurriedly despatched to
college without having been previously taken to my father
and mother. I was then eight years old, and the eyes of
my parents had not yet rested on me. I was told, and believed
it, that all this hurried arrangement was due to some unforeseen
and unavoidable circumstance : so I followed my path.

On arriving at college, I was led to the apartment of M. de
la Suze,^ a cousin of mine, and entrusted to the care of his own
tutor.*

If I succeeded at all in my studies, that result cannot be
ascribed either to the example of my cousin, or to the talents
of my teacher.

' This college, which had been founded for the benefit of twenty-four poor students
from Normandy, in 12S0, by Raoul d'H.arcourt, canon of the Paris clerj^'y, was, at
the time of the Revolution, the oldest educational establishment in Pans. It was
turned into a prison during the Reign of Termr, and afterwards became the quarters
of the EcoU- iwriHiili. It resumed its first character only in 1S20, when it took the
name of Lyce .Saint-Louis, whicli it preserves to this day.

- The Comte Auguste de Choiseul- Beaupre, born in 1752, married Marie de
Gouffier, whose name he added to his own. He was at first captain in the
Cuirassiers, but gave way to his taste for travelling, and visited all the East. In
17S4, lie v\as apjiointed ambassador at Constantinople. In 17S9, he retired to Russia,
returned to France in 1S02, was appointed peer of France, Slate Minister, and
meiiil"_'r of the I'rivy Council by Louis XVIII., and died in 1S17.

■^ Son of Louis-Miclicl Chamillard, Comte de la Suze, who was born in 1709, and
became in 174S firand Marshal of the King's Household, and lieutenant-general
(1748). His mother having become a widow at an early age, married I>aniel Marie,
Prince de Talleyrand, and became the grandmother of the author of these memoirs.
\"oung de la Suze, who is mentioned here, was therefore the cousin of Prince de
Talleyrand.

^ The Abbe Hardi.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. ii

Once a week, the Abbe Hardi called with me on my
parents, and we dined with them. On rising from table,
I went back to college always hearing the same injunction :
"Be a good boy, and give satisfaction to the Abbe." I got
on pretty well ; my schoolfellows liked me and I cheerfully
submitted to my new position. I had been living that life
for three years when I caught the small-pox ; the latter
being contagious, I had to leave college. My family, having
been informed of my illness by my tutor, my parents sent me a
sedan-chair to take me to the Rue Saint-Jacques, to the house of
Madame Lerond, a nurse employed by M. Lehoc, the college
physician. In these days, small-pox patients slept in beds
surrounded by double -curtains ; the windows of their room were
made proof against draughts, a blazing fire was kept up in it,
and fever excited by means of suitable beverages. In spite of
this murderous treatment, -which killed many people, I got over
the disease, and was not even marked.

I was then twelve years old ; during the time of my con-
valescence the peculiarity of my position struck me. My heart
was full at the little interest aroused by my illness, the fact of
my having been sent to college without having seen my parents,
and some other grievous recollections. I felt myself isolated,
helpless and always shut up in myself : I do not complain of it, for
I believe that my early meditations developed and strengthened
my thinking powers. My sad and cheerless childhood is the cause
of my having exercised these powers at an early age, and of
having accustomed myself to think more deeply, perhaps, than
I should have done, had my early life been filled with happi-
ness and joy. It may also be that these first trials of my
life taught me to bear misfortune and disappointment with
indifference, and to meet the latter with the resources which my
self-confidence showed me I possessed.

There is a sort of pleasant pride in these recollections of my
youth.

In after-life, it has struck me that my parents, having decided,
in consequence of what they regarded as the interest of the
family that I should be trained to a profession for which I
showed no aptitude, were afraid that they might fail to carry

12 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

out tlieir object, if they saw me too often. That fear is a proof
of affection, for which I ought to feel indebted to them.

When M. de la Suze's education was finished, or, rather,
when he was sixteen years old, the Abbe Hardi, his tutor,
retired. For a few months, I was entrusted to the care of a
gentleman named Hullot, who soon after went mad. My new
tutor was M. Langlois, with whom I remained until I left college,
and who brought up my brothers afterwards. He was a perfect
gentleman, but versed in nothing but French history, and who
had devoted too much attention to the perusal of the Co7trt
Directory. In books of that kind he had learned that the post
oi cape-bearer to princes'^ conferred nobility, and that such a post
was given on the introduction of the Grand-Marshal. The
Grand-Marshal being my uncle," we secured for M. Langlois the
post he was so eager to obtain. In 1790, my former tutor had his
court-dress made and emigrated, so that his letters of nobility
might bear a good date. He, however, was in too great a hurry
to enjoy his new privilege, and, having returned to France during
the revolutionary period, was sent to prison. So that now, having
a twofold fame, by emigration and imprisonment, he calmly
spends the rest of his life in the noble company of the Faubourg
Saint-Germain. From this, it may be judged that if I have,
since these days, given way to the temptation of pla}ung a
part in public affairs, M. Langlois is in no wise responsible
for it.

I might have been a successful scholar: my natural bent
leads me to think so, and I notice that this opinion is almost uni-
versally shared by my schoolfellows. The little encouragement
given me, for fear lest I should become too clever a )Oung man, is
the cause that the first years of my life were spent in a rather
dull and insignificant manner.

When the time of what is termed the conclusion of studies
arrived, the complete silence of my father as to my future, and
a few conversations held in my hearing, were the first inti-
mation I had of the career intended for me.

In order to give me a high and even tempting idea of the
profession marked out for me, it was thought advisable to send

1 rorte-manteau chcz Ics piinccs. " The Comte de la Siize.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 13

me to Rheims, the chief archbishopric of France, to the
titular of which one of my uncles was coadjutor.^ As, for my
family's sake, it was not becoming for me to alight from the
coach at the archbishop's residence, my journey to Rheims was
more comfortable than that to Chalais had been. A post-chaise
called for me at the College d'Harcourt, and drove me to my
destination in a couple of days.

My parents did not send for me before I left. I repeat this
here, and hope never to think of it again. I am, perhaps,
the only man of distinguished birth and belonging to a numerous
and esteemed family, who did not, for one week in his life, enjoy
the sweetness of being under his father's roof.

The disposition of my mind led me to consider my new
abode as but an ill-disguised exile, notwithstanding all the
precautions taken to render it attractive.

The opulence, the consideration, the very pleasures of the
Archbishop of Rheims and of his coadjutor were to me indifferent.
A life full of formalities was unbearable to me. At the ag-e of
fifteen, when all our impulses are still natural, we can scarcely
conceive that circumspection, that is, the art of disclosing only a
portion of one's actions, thoughts, feelings, and impressions,
should be the foremost of all qualities. In my opinion, all the
wealth and pomp of Cardinal de la Roche-Aymon,^ did not
deserve the complete sacrifice of my sincerity, which was asked
from me.

All the care and attention paid me only tended to impress
me deeply with the idea that, my lame foot rendering me in-
capable of serving in the army, I must necessarily enter holy
orders, as no other career was open to a man of my name. . . .
^et what was to become of the lively imagination and wit with

^ Alexanrlre de Talleyrand was bom in 1736. He was successively coadjutor of
the Archbishop of Rheims (1766), Archbishop in pariibus of Trajanopolis, Avcli-
bishop-Duc of Rheims (1777), and deputy of tiie clergy to the States-General (17S9).
In iSoi, he declined to resign, was called to Mittau by Louis XVII [., in 1S03, and
became Grand-Chaplain of France in 1808. Peer of France in 1S14, Cardinal in
18 1 7, and finally Archbishop of Paris, he died in 1S21. lie was the paternal uncle
of the author.

2 Charles- Antoine, Comtedela Roche- Aymon, was born in 1697. He was Vicar-
General of Limoges and Bishop in partihus of Sarepta in 1725. Bishop of Tarhes,
Archbishop of Toulouse in 1740, and of Narbonne in 1752, he became Grand-Chaplain
of France in 1760, Archbishop-Duo of Rheims in 1762, Cardinal in 1771, and died
in 1777-

14 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

which I was credited ? The only plan then was to hold out to
me the attraction of public life, and to picture to me the advan-
tages to be obtained from it. They sought to avr.il themselves
of the characteristics I might happen to possess.

With this object, I was induced to read the Memoirs of
Cardinal de Rctz, the life of Cardinal Richelieu, that of Cardinal
Ximenes, and that of Hincmard, a former Cardinal of Rheims.
. . . Whatever might be the path I entered upon, my parents
were disposed to agree to it, provided I crossed the threshold of
the Church.

The constant pressure brought to bear on me did not fix my
resolution, but rather unsettled it. Youth is the time in life
when we are most honest. I did not then understand what it
was to embrace one profession with the intention of following
another, to assume a part of constant self-denial in order the
better to succeed in an ambitious career ; to join the Church
in order to become Minister of Finances. It required too great
a knowledge of the society which I was entering, and of the
times in which I was living, to regard this as a matter of course.

But, being alone, I was defenceless ; all the persons who
surrounded me spoke a conventional language, and carefully
concealed from me all means of avoiding the carrj'ing out of the
plan my parents had formed respecting my future.

I spent a j^ear at Rheims, at the expiration of which, seeing
that my fate could not be avoided, my wearied mind submitted :
I allowed mj^self to be taken to Saint-Sulpice College.^

More thoughtful than is usual at the age I was then, rebellious,
but powerless, indignant, without either daring to, or being justi-
fied in, displaying my indignation, there are few instances of a
lad of sixteen being as despondent and cheerless as I was on
entering that college. I formed no intimacy. I did e\-cr}'thing
in cross-temper. I had a grudge against my masters, my
parents, institutions generally, but chiefly against the sway of
social propriety to which I saw myself obliged to give wa}\

^ Saint-Sulpice College was founded in 1542 by M. Jem-Jacques Oliier, cure of
the parish ; it was at first situated at Vaugirard. It soon acquired con^iderahle
importance, owing to the excellence of its tuition and to its strict ecclesiastical
discipline. The pres^-nt build, ng was erected by M. Le Ragon de Bretonvilliers, cure
of Saint-Sulpice parish. It coniams a magnificent ceiling painted by Charles Le
Brun, the famous artist. — {Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 15

I spent three years at Saint-Sulpice College, and hardly
spoke at all during the whole time ; people thought I was super-
cilious and often reproached me with being so. This seemed to
me so to point out how little they knew me, that I deigned no
I'eply ; they then said that my arrogance was beyond all
endurance. Good Heavens ! I was neither arrogant nor
proud : I was merely a harmless young man, extremely
miserable and inwardly irritated. People say, I often thought

to myself, that I am fit for nothing. .... Fit for nothing

After giving way to despondency, for a few moments, a strong
and comforting feeling cheered me, and I discovered that I
zvas fit for something, eve^t for good and noble deeds. What fore-
bodings, a thousand times dispelled^ did not then cross my mind,
always placing me under a spell which I was unable to explain !

The library of Saint-Sulpice College had been enriched by
gifts from Cardinal de Fleury ; its works were numerous and
carefully selected. I spent my days there reading the produc-
tions of great historians, the private lives of statesmen and
moralists, and a few poets. I was particularly fond of books of
travels. A new land, the dangers of a storm, the picture of a
wreck, the description of a country bearing traces of great
changes, sometimes of upheavals, all this had deep interest for
me. Sometimes, when I considered these voyages to distant
lands, these dreadful scenes described so vividly in the writings
of modern explorers, it seemed to me that my lot was not so
hopeless as I had thought. A good library affords true comfort
to all the dispositions of the soul.

My third and really useful education dates from this time, it
was self-taught in lonely silence ; as I was always face to face with
the author whose work I was reading, and could only use my own
judgment, it nearly always happened that, when my opinions
differed from those of another, I thought mine the right one.
My ideas thus remained personally my own : the books I read
enlightened my mind, but never enslaved it. I do not pretend
to say that in so acting I was right or wrong, I merely state
what I was. Such lonely self-tuition must have some value.
If injustice, whilst developing our faculties, has not embittered
our hearts too much, we derive greater comfort from lofty

l6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRLXCE TALLEYRAND.

thoughts and noble impulses, wc feel stronger in confronting life's
trials. A feeling of hope, vague and indescribable, like all
youthful passions, excited my mind : I never allowed it to rest.

By the merest chance, I met a person who had some
influence in modifying the disposition in which I then was. I
recollect this meeting with pleasure, because I am most likely
indebted to it for having been spared all the effects of melancholy
brought to its most intense degree. I had reached the age of
the mysterious revelations of the soul and of the passions, the
moment in life when all our faculties break forth in super-
abundant and full activity. I had several times noticed, in
one of the lateral shrines of Saint-Sulpice church, a hand-
some young lady whose simple and modest look pleased me
extremely. At eighteen, this is an attraction for any young
man who is not depraved : I attended the chief services more
assiduously. One day, as she left the church, a severe shower
set in which emboldened me to propose to her to see her home,
pro\'ided she did not live too far. She agreed to share my
umbrella. I accompanied her to Rue Fcrou, where she was
lodging ; she allowed me to see her to her apartments ; and,
quite naturally, like a very pure )-oung lad}', she proposed that
I should come again. At first, I availed mj-sclf of her offer about
twice a week, and afterwards more often. Her parents had sent
her on the stage against her wish ; I was a clerical student against
mine. This sway of interest in her case, and of ambition in
mine, brought about mutual unreserved confidence between us.
All the troubles of my life, all my fits of ill-humour, her own
trials and disappointments, occupied all our conversations. I
have since been told that she had not much sense : although I
saw her almost daily for two }'ears, I never noticed it.

Thanks to her, I became even in college more amiable, or at
least better-tempered. ]\Iy superiors cannot have failed to have
had some suspicion of what had reconciled me to my position and
even made me somewhat cheerful. But the Abbe Couturier ^ had
taught them the art of being blind when necessary ; he had told

^ The Abbe Couturier was born in i6S8. He was a friend of Cardinal de Fleury,
who appointed him Abbot of Chaumes, and afterwards head of Saint-Sulpice Coilege.
lie died in 1770.

lo^C Je /? f <y^/ '^£rt^ ./

TALLEYRAND AS A8B&

FROM AN ORIGINAL PASTEL, IN THE POSSESSION OF MONSIIUR MOREAU-CHASLONS,
THE WELL-KNOWN AMATEUR

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 17

them never to find fault with a young student whom they regarded
as destined to fill high posts, to become coadjutor to the
archbishop of Rheims, perhaps a cardinal, perhaps even Alinistre
de la f entile} How could any one tell ?

I left college " some time before the coronation of the king.'
My parents sent me to Rheims in order to attend this ceremony.
The power of the clergy was then at its height ; the bishop
suffragan of Rheims was to officiate, in case the old age of
Cardinal de la Roche-Aymon should, as it was feared, prevent
him from attending this solemn ceremony. . . What a glorious
time ! . . .

A young king, scrupulously moral and uncommonly modest ;
ministers, well known for their ability and uprightness ; a
queen whose affableness, grace and kindness tempered the
austere virtues of her consort ; everybody filled with respect !
the heart of every subject overflowing with affection for the
young sovereigns ! joy was everywhere ! . . Never did such a
bright spring precede such a stormy autumn, such a dismal
winter.

My acquaintance with several women remarkable in different
ways, and whose friendship never ceased to give a charm to my
life, dates from the coronation of Louis XVI. These ladies
were the Duchesse de Luynes,^ the Duchesse de Fitz-James,^ and
the Vicomtesse de Laval.^

^ Literally, Minister of the Koll (of benefices). The fetdlle was a book in which
were inscribed all the vacant benefices in the gift of the Crown. This book was kept
bv a prelate, to whom, in fact, the power of nomination was delegated by the king.
All the bishoprics or abbeys in the gift of the Crown were thus conferred by the
Mini sire de la feuille.

* It may be noticed that M. de Talleyrand does not mention here either the exact
date of his ordination, or the circumstances attending this ceremony. The Comte de
Choiseul-GoufTier, speaking on this subject, related that, having called on M. d-e
Talleyrand on the evening preceding his ordination, he found him in a state of violent
inward struggle, all in tears, and giving way to despair. M. de Choiseul then endea-
voured to persuade his friend not to consummate the sacrifice ; but the fear of his
mother, of a tardy scandal, a certain false pride, held him back, and he exclaimed,
" It is too late, there is no retreating now." — {M. de Bacourt.)

' nth June, 1775.

* Elisabeth de Montmorency- Laval, daughter of the Marshal Due de Montmorency-
Laval, married in 1768 Louis d' Albert, Due de Luynes, who was Brigadier-General,
Deputy to the States-General, and Senator under the Empire.

^ Probably Marie de Thiard, daughter of Henry de Thiard, Comte de Bissy, who
married in 1768 the Due de Fitz-James, Brigadier-General.

* Catherine Tavemier de Boullongne, who, in 1765 married Mathieu de Mont-
morency-Laval, known under the name of Vicomte de Laval.

VOL. I. C

iS THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The assembly of the clergy^ was about to sit, I was elected
by the province of Rheims to be a member of this assembly. I
carefully watched how business was conducted in this important
body. Ambition was there represented in various disguises.
Religion, humanity, patriotism, philosophy, each of these had its
so-called supporters ! Whenever the pecuniary interests of the
clergy were threatened, all the members rose in defence of these
interests, though they did not all resort to the same arguments.
The most pious bishops expressed the fear that the proposed
reforms would diminish the share of the poor; those who be-
longed to the high aristocracy, were afraid of any innovation ;
those whose ambition was an open secret, claimed that the clergy,
being the most enlightened body of the kingdom, should be at
the head of all government administrations, and, in order not
to be a burden on the State, should find, in the wealth bequeathed
them by our pious forefathers, the means of facing the expenses
necessarily involved in the tenure of high State offices. Thus, in
the management of their temporal affairs, the clergy of the
eighteenth centur}' made no concessions to the spirit of the times.
When M. de Machault,- Minister of Finances, proposed to tax the
property of the clergy like that of all other subjects, the whole
clergy rose to oppose the motion, and declared that they would
not submit to this measure. Property given to the Church,
they said, belongs to God and is consecrated to Him. This
consecration has the effect of imparting to such property a
peculiar destination, and the ministers of religion are its sole dis-

^ These assemblies or general meetings of the clerp;y dated from the sixteenth
centur)'. Since 1567, thc-y were held every five years. Their object was to determine
and portiiin out the amount of sup])lies (free gift) to be i^aid to the king. They also
dealt with reliL;ious matters. They were divided into ordinary and extraordinary or
plenary assemlilies, which sat alternately. The session of the latter lasted six months,
and comprised two deputies of the first order, and two of the second, for eacli ecclesias-
tical province ; the ordinary or minor assemblies only lasted three months, and were
only comjiosed of a single deputy of each order for each province.

- Jean-Baptiste de IMachault, Comte d'Arnouville, was born in 1701, from an old
family of magistrate^-. He became successively Counsellor oiparUnunt* (1721),
Comptroller-General (1745-1754), Keeper of the Seals (1750), and Secretary of State
to the Marine Department. He was dismissed from all his posts in 1757, and lived
in retirement until the Revolution. Having been arrested in 1794, he died in prison
a few weeks later.

■* The farUnic'its were but courts of law established in the chief citic<; of old France. They had
no roatical character: ihc fnrlcvtoit of Pari';, however, assumed this character on tcvcra^
orr.us.ons, and refused to rcqisier certain royal edicts, \\ hich registration constituted its exclusive
privilege, and gave the edicts the force of \a.-*! .—{TranslcLior.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 19

pensers and managers ; the immunity of Church property is a
principle of French public law. The interference of conscience
in all these financial quarrels enabled the clergy to displa}^, in
the discussion of this important matter, a degree of eloquence
which they alone possess. M. de Montauset,^ M. de Breteuil,^
and M. de Nicolai",' having attracted attention by their brilliant
speeches, took up a prominent position in the assembly, and
enjoyed all the importance given them by M. de Machault's
resignation.

The government gave way on the subject of possession, but
mooted another point, which referred to the mode by which the
clergy had obtained possession of their property, and might lead
to the shaking of the very principle of possession. The question
was, to decide whether the clergy were subjected to fealty and
homage, to avowal and enumeration, in short, to feudal duties
towards the king. It had been discussed several times since the
beginning of the seventeenth century, and, on every occasion, the
clergy had obtained a favourable decision ; but, as they could
not produce any documentary evidence in support of their claims,
they had been subjected to renewed attacks. In 1725, the clergy
having refused to admit the tax of the fiftieth, the government
enforced the execution of a previous declaration, according to
which the clergy's pretension that they were excused from dis-
charging their feudal duties, was pronounced null and erroneous.
Since then, on various pretexts, the clergy had obtained at each
subsequent assembly, orders, which, without deciding the case,
suspended the application of the law of 1674.

Some difificulties and some delays in the engrossing of the
order of suspension* of 1775, induced the clergy to make fresh
efforts. The works of Dom Bouquet ^ were consulted ; and, in

1 No person of this name existed at that time. The author probably means
M. de Montazet, bom in 1713, chaplain to the king in 1742, Bishop of Aulun in 1748,
Archbishop of Lyons in 1759, and who died in 178S.

2 Fran9ois-Victor le Tonnelier de Breteuil, born in 1724, Bishop of Montauban in

1762.

3 There were at this time, two prelates belonging to the Nicolai family : Louis-
Marie, born in 1729, Bishop of Cahors in 1777 ; Aimar-CIaude, born in 1738, Bishop
of Beziers in 1 77 1, who emigrated in 1792, and died in Florence in 1814.

* Arret de sursiance.

6 Dom Martin Bouquet, a learned Benedictine monk, born at Amiens (16S5-1754).
Chief Librarian of the Abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pres. He is the author of a work

C 2

20 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

numerous memoirs, of one of which, I believe, I am the author,
the clergy set forth that seeing that they held their immunity
from the munificence of the kings of France, their case was
ruled by the general legislation of the kingdom, which protects
equally the rights of all the orders ^ and the property of all
citizens. Going further into the details of the case, they
pretended that all the property they possessed previous to the
year 1700, proceeded from tithes, allodium, or free gifts." So
that no feudal service being due for tithes, allodium, or free gifts,
the conclusion was that all the property of the clergy should be
free from feudal duties. I do not recollect how they got over
the difficulty arising from spiritual peerages,^ The Archbishops
of Narbonne,* of Aix,^ of Bordeaux,^ and the Bishop of
Nevers,'^ displayed great ability in the course of this great
debate. But the explanations obtained from the Chamber of
Accounts ® in pursuance of an Order in Council, and furnished

entitled Rccueil des Historicns de la Gaule (" Collection of the Historians of Gaul ").
Another Bouquet, a renowned jurist and a nephew of the latter, died in lySr ; he
puVjHshed various woiks on ecclesiastical law. There may have been some cunfasion
lietween the two, and the works of the nephew may thus have been erroneously
ascribed to his uncle.

1 The nation, as is known, was divided into tliree orders : the clergy, the nobility,
and the third estate. — [Translalor.)

^ Fraiichcs aituuines was the name given to free gifts made to churches or hos-
pitals. — ( Translalor. )

^ The spiritual or temporal peers of the kingdom owed fealty and homage to the
king, and had to discharge all the feudal duties towards him.

•• Arthur de I >illon, l>orn in 1721, Bishop of Evreux {1753), Archbi-^hop of Toulouse
(1758), of Narbonne ( 1762), PreiiJent of the States of Languedoc, and of the assembly
of the clergy held in 17S0.

* Jean-de-Dieu Raymond de Roisgelin. born at Rennes in 1732, Bishop of I.avaur
(1765), Archbishop of .\ix (1770), President of the States of Provence, deputy of the
clergy to the Stales-General, President of the Con-tituent Assembly (1700). He
emigrated, returned to France in 1802, was appointed Archbishop of Tours and
Cardinal, anil died in 1S04.

* Ferdinand .Meriadec, Prince de Roban-Guemenee, born in 173S, Archbishop of
Bordeaux (1769), and (A Cambrai (1781). He emigrated in 1792, returned to France
in 1S02, and " as appomt'cl chaplain 10 the Empi ess Josephine.

^ lean Antoine 'finseau, born at Be^ancon (1697), Bishop of Nevers (1751).

® '1 he Chambre dcs CompUs was a supreme court from whose drcisions there was
no appeal. It ws instituied for the hcarmg and venficilion of the accounts of all
officials entrusted with public money. It had aho to take all nece sary measures for
the preservation of the Crown es'ates and property. Besides the Chamber of
Accounts of Paris, there were si..iilar court-; in the chief towns of the Icingdom. The
Chamber of Accounts of Paris was founded by Philip the Fair. The Chamber of
Paris verified and rtgister.;d all the ordinances concernin.:; estates, revt nuev, or ex-
penditure of ihe Croi\n, theleHers of nnhiliiy, the deeds of recognition or legiiiniza-
tion of natural childien, the dee Is relating to the sinl.ing of deMs, the deeds of
ajipanage, &c. It received the oaths of allegiance and homage to the king from his
vassah, and reg'slered all Cr iwn leases and generally all inaiters concerning the
finances of the State. — [Translalor.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION.

by M. de Saint-Genis.^ were on the point of bringing about a
decision exactly in opposition to the pretensions of the clergy,
when the States-General dispersed everybody.

Some philosophical views shared, as already mentioned,
by the most ambitious portion of the clergy, had induced
several prominent bishops to solicit the carrying out of the
Order in Council of 1766, according to which the king was to
appoint a commission to deal with reforms to be introduced
in a few regular religfous orders.^ A particular reform such as
this, so much in keeping with the ideas of the time, must neces-
sarily lead to a general attack upon these illustrious bodies.
Having once dispersed all that learned staff, it became easier
to approach the whole ecclesiastical edifice, which, being thus
deprived of what constitutes its leading spirit and strength, could
not long defend itself with the weapons afforded by the external
ceremonies of religion alone.

M. de Brienne,^ Archbishop of Toulouse, who sought support
in the new ideas, was chairman of the Commission in 1776.
The religious orders of Sainte-Croix and of Grandmont, the
Camaldules, the Servites, the Celestines, had already been
abolished. The order of Saint-Rufus had just shared a similar
fate.* The commissioners, in the reports in which they proposed

^ Nicolas de Saint-Genis, bom in 174I, died in iSoS ; Commissaire des guerres
(an officer in the Commissariat) {1762), auditor in the Court of Accounis (1769). He
is the author of a valuable work on ecclesiastical law.

^ The reform of religious orders was urged in 1765 by the assembly of the clergy
itself. In consequence, the King's Council, in an order dated May 26, 1766,
appointed a commission to examine the reforms which it was proper to apply to con-
ventual life. This commission was composed of five prelates and five councillors of
state; it drew up the ordinance of March 24, 1768, which set forth — 1st, that the age
at which vows should be valid was henceforth to be twenty for men, and eighteen
for women ; 2nd, that members of religious orders of either sex should be French ;
3rd, that no town should have more than two coiivents of the same order ; 4th, that
each monastery should comprise at least fifteen monks or nuns.

* Etienne de Lomenie, Comte deBrienne, born in 1727, Bishop of Condom (1760),
Archbishop of Toulouse (1763), chairman of the Board of Finances (1787), Prime
Minister, Archbishop of Sens (1788), Cardinal in December, 17SS ; he took the oath
to the civil constitution (of the clergy), and gave up his dignity of cardinal. He was
arrested in 1793, and died suddenly.

* The regular canons of Sainte-Croix, whose head convent was at I. lege, only
possessed in France twelve establishmetits numbering forty-seven members ; their
congregation was abolished October 14, 1769. — I he order of Grandmont, founded in
1 124 by Saint-Sicfihen at Murnt (Limousin), only numbered 108 members, occupying
seven convents, in the eighteenth century. It was abolished by an edict of March 3,
1770, confirmed by a papal bull of August 6, 1772. — The Camaldules, whose order
dated from the tenth century, comprised eight monasteries of monks (the most im-

22 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

these measures of destruction, and the royal orders which enjoined
the closing of these convents, alluded with regret to the necessity
of having recourse to such extreme steps ; but it was then wished
to consider them as indispensable in order to strengthen the
discipline of the Church, and to preserve from corruption those
orders which it was hoped could still be allowed to exist.

I am far from thinking that the bishops who had drafted the
project of that permanent commission, were aware of all the
danger its adoption was to present for the clergy. They surely
belie\-ed that they would be able to direct its application, and,
if needed, even to suspend it. But the time had already come
when people had ceased to be moderate in all questions relative
to religious orders. Hardly a day passed without some work
being published concerning the abusive practices of one order,
the uselessness of another ; and I do not recollect that, during
the twenty years that preceded the French Revolution, a
single clever pen was raised in defence of religious orders.
The historians no longer even dared to say that convents and
monasteries, more than any other cause, imparted a peculiar
character to the great European civilization and made it dis-
tinctly unlike any other. It has often occurred to me that the
celibacy of priests powerfully contributed to preserve Europe
from the spirit of caste ; and it is but necessary to refer to
history to see that this spirit tends generally to check the
progress of civilization. M. de Eonald could find in this the
text of a paper much in keeping with his own ideas.

The peculiarity of the period I am now reaching, was that
ever)'body was anxious to be noted for talents or aptitudes
foreign to his pursuit. The formation of the provincial as-
semblies^ furnished the occasion of calling public attention to

portaiit of wliich was on Mont ^'alerien *) and twelve convents of nuns. It was the
wealthiest onit-r in France. — The onler of Scrvita was famded at Florence in the
thirteenth ceiiliny liy se\en mcichants. Their chief establishment was the convent of
ihe Aniiunc;adc in I'lorence ; they had spread to Frarice, where they were known under
tlie name of B lane s- Man t caiix ^ on account of their drirss. — The order of Saint-Rufus
dated from the sixth century. At the tiuie of its abolition, it finiy ]>osse- sc'd lilly-sevcn
innnnstc-ries, numhering 200 monks. At iheir request, Poi e Clement X IV. secularised
th-.m, and inco.i>orated them in the military order of Saint-La^-arus (julv, 1771).

1 Tlie jirovincial assemblies were collective adniiniblrations instituted under

* A well-kn..»n hill ntar Paris. The f^rt erected on it raii.'-ed much tr.mble to the Germans in
1E70-71. — (7 ra/.-j/.tAir.) i Literally, " White-cK.at;s."

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 23

the persons elected to preside over them. M. Necker/ who was
always afraid of being reproached for being a Calvinist, thought
he could shield himself by appointing to the different posts of his
department all bishops endowed with some talent ; thus it was
that within a few years, all the provincial administrations were
managed by the most distinguished bishop of each province. Is
it not remarkable that a clergy, composed of men, some of whom
were most pious, others specially good administrators, others,
again, worldly, and, like the Archbishop of Narbonne, taking a
certain pride in relinquishing for a while the grave and severe
duties of their avocation to lead the life of a nobleman ^ — is it
not remarkable, I say, that being composed of so many different
elements, this clergy should, nevertheless, preserve the same
spirit } Yet, it is an undeniable fact, and more than substantiated
by an incident which I could scarcely credit, had I not witnessed
it personally. A few days after the opening of the States-General,
I attended with the chief members of the clergy a conference
held in Versailles at Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld's ^ ; there,
M. Dulau,* Archbishop of Aries, earnestly proposed to seize S9

Louis XVI. in the twenty-six generalith cfikctions ' of the kingdom. Turgot was
the first to think of this institution ; it was however reserved to Necker to apply the
idea. Those assemblies were formed of members of the three orders, tlie Third Estate
sending twice the number of the other two. They held their session once in two
years, and only sat for a month ; they were entrusted with the levying and distribu-
tion of taxes, and possessed besides, nearly all the attributes of the present General
Councils in France. Half the members were appointed by the king, and these elected
the other half.

^ Jacques Necker belonged to a family of English origin, which emigrated to
Germany in the sixteenth century. In 1724, his father took up his residence in
Geneva, where he became professor of law. Jacques was born in 1732, came to Paris
in 1 750, and founded a banking concern there. He became Director of the Treasury ia
1776, and afterwards General Director of Finances, w'x'Cn. all the power of a Minister
of Stale — a title which could not be conferred upon him for the twofold reason of his
being a Protestant and a foreigner. He retired to private life in 1780, "as exiled in
1787, resumed office in 1788, was exiled again on July 11, 1789, and called again to
power by the Assembly ten days later. His popularity, however, did not last long :
he resigned on September 18, 1790. He retired to Coppet, where he died in 1804.

^ M. de Dillon, Archbishop of Narbonne, possessed an estate near Soissons, where
he hunted large game six months in the year. Haute- Fontaine was the name of this
estate. ^Prince lalteyrand.)

' Dominique de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Saint Elpis, bom in 1713, Arch-
bishop of Alt'i (1747), of Rouen (1759), Cardinal (177S), Deputy of the Clergy to the
Slates-General. He emigrated in 1792, and died in iSoo.

•* Jean-Marie Dulau, born near Peiigueux in 1738 ; Archbishop of Aries in 1775,

* The financial jurisdictions of old France ; each of them was administered by an official named
iniendant. The gcneralitcs of the fays d'Hats were those where the province still enjoyed the privi-
lege of fixing its own taxation. In the jiays d election, the taxes were fixed by royal delegates calleil
etus. — ( Translator.)

24 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

favourable an occasion (these were his own expressions) to get the
nation to pay the debts of the clergy. This motion, Hke that of
M. de Themines ^ when he advised the clergy to solicit the meeting
of the States-General, met with no opposition. The Archbishop
of Aries, in whose ability and wisdom everybody placed confi-
dence, was appointed to second the motion of M. Dulau, and
press its adoption by the States-General, whenever he thought
the moment opportune. It required the lapse of many months and
all the ominous events that happened in the meantime, to enable
the good sense of M. de Boisgelin, Archbishop of Aix, to persuade
the clergy, not only to waive this absurd motion, but even to
make a considerable sacrifice in order to cover the famous deficit
which had been the pretext for all that was going on for a }-ear ;
it was too late ; it is true, the pretext was forgotten ; besides there
was no longer any need of it, since the States-General had
become the National Assembly.

I notice that while speaking of the clergy, I do not observe
chronological order ; I am compelled to do so. A work on any
given subject, confined to studying the progress of events )-ear
after year, must needs often be obscure and always devoid of
interest. I think it preferable for clearness of exposition to
mention at once that naturally belongs to the subject one is
dwelling upon. Besides, it has the invaluable advantage of being
much easier, and when people do not pretend to write a book,
they may be allowed to take it easy.

Cardinal de la Roche-Aymon, by appointing me promoter of
the assembly of 1775.^ gave me the opportunity of attracting
notice, and from that moment, I was destined to become agent-
general of the clerg)'.-*

deputy of the clergy to the Stales-General. Arrested after August 10, he was im-
prisoned at the " L.irnries," * and fell a victim to llie September massacres.

^ Alexandre de Lauziercs de Themines (1742-1829), chaplain to the kin;:;, Bishop
of Blois (1776). He emigrated in 1791, refused to resign his see in iSoi, never
acknow ledi^ed the Couoniat, and died in Brussels in 1S29 without liaving ever
leturned to France.

" The duties of the promoter were to plead the defence of public interests. Ilis
functions were equivalent to those of the public prosecutor in criminal ciuns. He
had to expose faulty ecclesiastics, and lo see that the rights, liberties, and discipline
of the Church were not infringed.

^ There were two agents-j;eneral of the clergy. Their duties consisted in repre-
senting the interests of the clergy with the government, in all that related to the

* The convent of a religious order of this name used as a prison during the Revolution. — {Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 25

When the session of the assembly of 1775 was over, I entered
the Sorbonne. I spent two years there, engaged with anything
but theology, for pleasures occupy most of the time of a young
graduate. Ambition also takes up a portion of one's time, and
the memory of Cardinal Richelieu, whose fine mausoleum was in
the Sorbonne church, was not unsuggestive in this respect. At
that time, I only knew ambition in its noble acceptation, I was
anxious to undertake all that in which I thought I could succeed.
The five years of exasperation, silence and reading which, at
Saint-Sulpice college, seemed so long and dismal to me, were not
altogether lost. The trials of youth are profitable ; it is a good
thing to have been steeped in the waters of the Styx, and, for
many reasons, I am thankful to have undergone the trials of
those days.

On leaving the Sorbonne, I found myself at last entirely free
to do as I pleased.

I took up my residence at Bellechassc,^ in a comfortable little
house. My first care was to form a library, which became valu-
able eventually by the care with which the works composing it
were selected, the rarity of the editions, and its choice and elegant
bindings. I sought to make the acquaintance of the men most
renowned for their past life, their works, their ambition, or the
prospects held out to them by their birth, their friends or their
talents. Being thus placed by my own action in the wide circle
where so many brilliant and superior minds were shining in
various ways, I enjoyed the proud pleasure of being indebted to
myself alone for my position in life. I even had a very sweet
moment when, having been appointed by His Majesty to the
benefice of the abbey of Saint Denis at Rheims, the first income
I derived from it enabled me to pay to the principal of Harcourt
College a considerable portion of the fees still due for my
education, and to recompense M. Langlois for the care he had
taken of me in my youth.

revenue and expenditure of the Church, and the maintenance of her privileges. They
were elected for five years by the assemblies of the clcrtjy.

^ The HCtel Bellechasse was situated in the 1-aubourg St. Germain, Rue de
Verneuil, near the Hue de Bellechasse. The Bellechasse inclosurehas given its name
to the convent of the C'anonesses of the Holy Sepulchre, whose property it was ;
it was situated near the Rue St. Dominique. — {Translator.)

26 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Saint-Sulpice and the Sorbonne had separated me from
M. de Choiseul-Gouffier. Of all the young men with whom I
had been brought up, he was the first whom I sought to meet
again. Since I had missed him, he had married, and had one or
two children ; besides, he had made a dangerous and interesting
journey which had brought him into notice in society, begun his
reputation, and determined his choice of a career.

I shall so often have to speak of M. de Choiseul, in the course
of these memoirs that I must indulge in the pleasure of acquaint-
ing my readers with him. Nature has endowed M. de Choiseul
with imagination and talent ; he is cultivated ; he converses and
speaks well ; his delivery is fluent and unaffected. If in his
youth he had less admired the fine sentences of M. de Buffon,i
he might have achieved a certain reputation as a writer. People
say he gesticulates too much ; it is also m}' opinion ; it helps
him when speaking ; and, like all speakers who make many
gestures, he feels amused with what he saj's and repeats him-
self a little. His old age will be irksome to those who may
have to nurse him, for the old age of persons who only possess
mediocre talent is generally over-punctilious, and preserves
merely the outward forms of urbanity. Wit alone can make
old age amiable, because it gives an air of novelty to ex-
perience, and invests it almost with the charm of a discovery.
M. de Choiseul is naturally noble-minded, kind, full of
confidence and sincerity. He is affectionate, casil}' to get on
with and forgetful. That is why he is a very good father and
an excellent husband, although he seldom visits his wife or his
children. He has friends, is fond of them, wishes them happy
and would fain do them a good turn, but he gets on very well
without seeing them. He devoted but a small part of his life
to public affairs ; he found occupations which took up all his
time. The exquisite taste and erudition which he displayed
in Art rank him among the most useful and distinguished
of amateurs.

M. de Choiseul is the man I have most loved. Although, in
society, the names of M. de Choiseul, M. de Narbonne,^ and

^ The Ci-'tnte Georges Louis Leclerc de BufTon, the famous French naturalist and
writer. — {TransLitur. )

2 The Comte Louis de Narbonnc-Lara, born in 1755 at Colorno (Duchy of Parma)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 27

Abbe de Perigord ^ were often associated, our intimacy with M.
de Narbonne had less the character of friendship. M. de Nar-
bonne possesses a kind of mind which aims only at effect, which
is either brilliant or insignificant, which exhausts itself in a note
or in a sally. He is uniformly polite ; his mirth often runs
foul of good taste, and his character does not inspire the
confidence required by intimate relations. His company is
entertaining, but one seldom feels at ease with him. A sort of
grace that, better than any one else, he knows how to give to his
companionship, has gained him much success, chiefly among
witty and somewhat vulgar men. He is less to the taste of
men who appreciate what, in our youth, was termed good
breeding. If any one spoke of the men who had supped on
a certain day at the house of the Marechale de Luxem-
bourg,2 and he had been there, the names of twenty persons
would have been mentioned before his own ; at Julie's he would
have been named first.

My room, where we gathered every morning, and where my
friends shared my frugal meals, presented a singular medley :
the Due de Lauzun,^ Panchaud,* Barthes,^ Abbe Delille,* Mira-

of a very ancient family from Spain. Having come to France in 1760, he served in
the artillery, after which he entered the Foreign Office. He was brigadier-general in
1791, Minister of War from December, 1791, to March, 1792. A writ of accusation
being issued against him after August 10, he managed to escape, and resided abroad.
In 1805, he was re-instated in his grade, and appointed Governor of Raab, and after-
wards of Trieste ; minister to Bavaria, aide-de-camp to the emperor, ambassador at
Vienna (1813). He died soon after at Torgau. M. de Narbonne married Mademoi-
selle de Montholon, by whom he had two daughters.

^ It was under this name that M. de Talleyrand was knovm in his youth.

? Madeleine Angelique de Neufville-Villeroi, grand-daughter of the Marshal Due
de Villeroi, born in 1707, inarried at first to the Due de Boufflers, who died in 1747.
In 1750, she married the Marshal Due de Luxembourg, and died in 1787.

* Armand de Gontaut, Comte de Biron, then Due de Lauzun, born in 1 747, entered
the army, fought in Corsica, then in America ; deputy of the nobility of Quercy to
the States-General, he joined the party of the Due d'Orleans. General-in-Cliief of
the army of the Rhine in 1792, then of the army of Vendee, he was accused of
treason, arrested, and guillotined in 1793.

* Panchaud was a Geneva banker established in Paris. He has published on the
finances of his time an interesting work entitled, Considerations on the Present State
rf the Credit of England and of Prance. (Paris, 1781.)*

* Joseph Barthes (1734-1S06). Physician and philosopher of great reputation.

^ Abbe Delille, bom at Aigues-Perse (Auvergne) (1738-1813), one of the
most a"reeable poets of the eighteenth century. He was u, member of the
Academy.

• " Reflexions sur I'etat actuel du Cr(?dit de I'Angleterre et de la France." (Paris, 1781.)

28 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

beau,^ Chamfort,^ Lauraguais,^ Dupont de Nemours,* Rulhiere,^
Choiseul-Gouffier, Louis de Narbonne met there habitually and
always with pleasure. We touched upon every subject and
\vith the greatest liberty. It was the spirit and fashion of the
time. These conversations were both pleasant and instructive,
and besides, they held out some more or less remote prospect of
gratifying our ambition. It was a delightful way of spending
our mornings and I should enjoy doing so still.

The news of the day, political, commercial, administrative,
and financial questions all in succession furnished topics of
conversation. One of the matters with which the mind of the
public was most engrossed at that time, was the commercial
treaty just concluded between France and England.'' The
details of that great transaction were of special interest to
educated men such as Panchaud, Dupont de Nemours and
others. As for us ignorant ones, Lauzun, Barthes, Choiseul and
m)'self, though anxious to learn, we confined ourselves to gener-

1 Honore-Gabriel Riquetti de Mirabeau, the grand orator of the Constituent
Assembly (1749-1791), son of the Marquis de Mirabeau, the well-known economist
and agriculturist.

^ Sebasiien Chamfort (1741-1794), born near Clermont-Ferrand. He wrote
several tragedies and poems, which obtained for him the favour of the public. He
was acquaintctl with the leading personages of the Kcvoluiion, and collaborated in
the works of Sieyes and Mirabeau. A writ of accusati'in having been issued against
him in 1794, he killed himself as they came to arrest him.

■^ Leon de Lauraguais, Due de Brancas (1733-1S24). He secluded liim^elf all his
life for the study of letters and scientific works. He was appointed a member of the
ChamVjer of Peers in 1S14.

"• Pierre Dupont de Nemours (1739-1S17), one of the most fervent adepts of the
physiocratic school. He was a Councillor of .State and Commissary-General of Com-
merce under Calonne ; deputy to the .States-Cieneral. Imprisoned during the Reigu
of Terror, he was saved by the coup d'etat of the 9th Thermidor. Member of the
Cotncil dcs Cinq-ccnts* He lived in retirement under the Empire, emigrated in 1S15,
and died in America.

* Claude Rulhiere, born at Bondy, near Paris, in 1735, was aide-de-camp to
Marslial de Richelieu. Later, ^L de Breteuil took him to St. I'etersburg as jirivate
secretary (1760). He witnessed the Revolution of 1 762, and undertook to write an
account of it. This work — Les Kivohilions de I^iisiie — had such a success tliat its
author was commanded to write a history of Poland, intended for the instruction of
the Daiiphm. Memiier of the Academy in I7i>7, he died three years later.

" The Trenly of September 26, 17S6, signed under the ministry of Vergennes, in
accordance with Article iSth of the Treaty of Versailles of 1763. It raised numerous
critiLisuis ; Veigennes was accused of having sacrificed our manufactures.

* T he Cotise/'t tics Cinq-ccnts (Council of the Five Hundred), thus named because of it^ bcincr com-
po'^ed ^A Tive tninrired members, was instituted by the cunslltution of the ye.ir 111. It had IcSl^latlve
yiowers. Its iTiembers were elected from among citizens of more than twenty-five years of age. The
fu:,c;ions of the L on sett etes Ciut^-cents were snnilar to that of the House of Commons m England, or
of ihe present Clt nnber of iJeputies in France, with the difference that the upper chaml.er or Conseil
ties Ancicns (Council of Elders) had the power to accept or reject, as they pltasrd, the decisions of the
Council of the Five Hundred, and was thus omnipotent. — {Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 29

alities. I am anxious to record here what I recollect of these
discussions, because they belong to an order of ideas so different
from those I have heard people express since, that I think it
useful to state them. With this object I will give a rapid sketch of
the various events and negotiations which took several years to
bring about that great result.

The cabinets of Versailles and of London were convinced of
the reciprocal advantage which would accrue from the official
recognition and protection of commercial relations between the
two countries. No previous period of history had ever offered so
favourable an occasion for a commercial treaty between England
and France. Since the peace of 1763,^ national antipathies
seemed to have died out, and immediately after the recognition
of the independence of America by England, frequent communi-
cation between France and Great Britain had destroyed, in great
measure, many repugnances. Mutual inclination was becoming
evident ; the point now was how to make it lasting and mutually
advantageous to both nations. The two governments named
plenipotentiaries to discuss this important question.

In England, they recollected that Lord Bolingbroke ^ after
concluding the treaty of Utrecht, had some intention of proposing
a commercial treaty with France. This project, which he had
failed to carry out, had been one of the motives, or one of the
pretexts, for the persecution he had experienced on the part of
the Whigs. The reasons alleged then against a commercial
treaty with France may have been plausible. English customs
were still frightened at French luxury ; too close relations might
arouse the fears of English manufacturers with regard to the
competition of French goods in which the English had not
yet attained a standard of superiority. The advantage that
the productions of French soil might take over those of
Portugal was also a course of apprehension. The Treaty of

^ The Treaty of Paris, which put an end to the War of Seven Years.

= Henry Paulct de Saint-Jean, Viscount Bolingbroke, bom in 1672 at Battersea
(Surrey). Memlier of the House of Commons (1700), Secretary of State (1704),
Miniter of Foreign Affairs {1713) ; he was one of the signatories of the Peace of
Utrecht. Exiled afi<rr the death of Queen Anne (1714). he took refuge in France,
returned to England in 1723, and was for ten years the most redoubtable adversary of
Walpole. He died in 17^0, without having been able to regain power. He married
as second wife the Marquise de ViUette, niece of Madame de Mamtenon.

30 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Methuen ^ was yet too recent to make it prudent to compromise
its advantages by setting up a rivalry between the productions
of France and Portugal. These arguments, which were not devoid
of force, either no longer existed, or had lost their weight.
England was in a state of commercial prosperity which was
rendered incalculable by the invention of its machines and the
immensity of its capital ; fashion took upon itself to destroy the
objections resulting from the increase of luxury. The influence
of the ministry and the interests of manufacturers met other
objections victoriously, and the treaty was received in England
with almost universal approbation.

Public opinion in France took an entirely different view of
the treaty. The interests of her maritime population were, in this
case, in direct opposition with those of the inhabitants of her
manufacturing districts. The treaty was therefore received at
first Avith some astonishment. Its first results were not favour-
able to us. The English, being better prepared than we were,
derived large profits from it. The city of Bordeaux, the
provinces of Guyenne, Aunis and Poitou, found indeed a few
more outlets for their wines, their brandies and the other products
of their soil ; but it was argued that, in the general evaluation,
these local advantages could not compensate for the inconveni-
ences of the consumption of twenty-five million inhabitants,
anxious to purchase goods superior in quality, and which England
could provide at a figure much lower than that of the French
market.

Normandy, so skilful in the defence of her own interests, so
important by her wealth and population, was the first to express
her discontent. She published a long manifesto against the
treaty. The cause she pleaded soon found supporters through-
out the land ; all the old prejudices, all the former motives of
hate and animosity re-appeared. The voice of the consumers
was stifled, and the government soon incurred general blame for
having signed the treaty.

' The Treaty of Methuen between England and Portugal, so-called after the name
of the English anibassador, Lord Me'huen, \\ho negotiaied it, was signed in 1703.
It was a treaty of alliance and of comm(_rcf, liy which England reserved to herself the
monopoly of importation into Portir,'al. The latter submitted to this commercial
vassalage up to the beginning of the nineteenth century.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 31

And yet the spirit that inspired that great transaction was
dictated by the best principles. M. de Vergennes ^ and M. de
Calonne,2 who were instrumental in its adoption, will each some
day derive some credit from it. The object of the treaty was to
put an end to the smuggling that was going on between the
two countries, and to furnish the public treasury with a revenue
founded on duties moderate enough to leave no margin for
fraud. This advantage was evident and reciprocal for the
two countries. If it increased for France the facility of
gratifying the taste and fancy her wealthy people showed for
English goods, it enabled England to enjoy more luxuries, for
which she paid France, by a reduction of duty on the wines of
Champagne and Bordeaux, a reduction which must increase their
consumption in England.

The result of this reduction of duties both on the neces-
saries of life and on luxuries, must have been, for consumers,
to balance more equitably the taxes levied on them, and to
facilitate their payment ; as for the public treasury, the result of
the treaty would have been to increase the revenue in proportion
as the consumption was augmented.

It may also be mentioned that the spirit of the treaty pro-
vided that all classes of industries should be divided between the
two nations, each being awarded the class of industry for which

^ Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes, was the second son of a Priddent h
A/otiier* of the pcrlcment of iJijon. Born at Dijon in 1717, he entered the diplomatic
service. In 1750 he was appointed minister, and sent in that capacity to the Elector
of Treves. About that time he was initiated into the secrets of the king, of whom he
became one of the most devoted agents. Ambassador at Constantinople (1754) ; re-
called by Choiseul in 1768, he lived in retirement until ihe fall of that minister, when
he was (1771) sent as ambassador to Sweden. Louis XVI. appointed him Minister
of Foreign Affairs (1774). He signed the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaties of
Commerce with England and Russia. He became President of the Council of
Finances (1783), and died in 1787.

- Charles Alexandre de Calonne was the son of a distinguished Artesian family ;
he was born January 20, 1743, at Douai, where his faiher was first president of
parlement. He was attorney-general to the parlemcnt of Douai, intendant of
Meiz (1768), of Lille, where his reputation as a skilful administrator led to his being
appointed comptroller-general by Louis XVI. After the meeting of the Assembly
of the Notables, which he had suggested, he was dismissed from his post and exiled
to Lorraine (1787). Thence he went to England, returned to France in 1789 in the
hope of securing his election to the States-General. He how ever failed, went back
to England, where he plajed an active part amongst the hnigres, and died in 1802.

* This was the official appellation of the chief-judge of the Grand' Chambre of the farlements,
that is to say, the tribunal appointed to take cognizance of verbal appeals against the decisions of the
"■ prcsidiaux" (minor judces), bailliagcs, and other inferior courts. They were so named from the
shape of the.r caps, somewhz-t resembling a mortar (moriier).— (^Translator.)

32 THE MEMOIRS OF FRINGE TALLEYRAND.

nature seemed to have fitted it best, and from which it was
Hkely to derive most advantages.

This latter provision might, in the course of a few years, have
brought about the triumph of the principle of free-trade, but
prejudices decided otherwise. They have too deeply rooted a
hold upon men, for it to be prudent to endeavour to destroy
them too suddenly. I refused for a long time to acknowledge
this sad truth, but seeing that the philosophers of the eighteenth
century, with all the good and bad arguments they employed, did
fail in that undertaking, I shall henceforth follow the example of
the philosophers of the nineteenth century, who are indeed of a
very different stamp from that of their predecessors, and allow
it to trouble me no longer.

A public career being open to me, I, rather cleverly, took advan-
tage of the position of agent-general of the clergy, which had been
promised me, to extend my relations. Early in life, I made the
acquaintance of M. de Maurepas,^ M. Turgot," M. de Malesherbes,^

^ Jean Phelypeaux, Comte de Maurepas, and of Pontchartrain, was born in 1709.
His fjiher, his grandfather, his great-grandfither, and great-greal-grandfalher had
been, like himself, Secielaries of State, so lliat from 1610 to 1749 the Phelypeaux
faiiidy was rcjjresented in the councils of the king. As early as 1 715, Maurepas ob-
tained the reversion of the post of Secietary of State, which his father had resigned.
The Marquis de la Vrilliere was selected to discharge the duties of that office in the
place of his relation, who soon became his son-in-law. In 1725, Maurepas took the
direction of his department in hand, and was appointed Secretary of Paris and of
Marine. He fell into disgrace in 1749, was exiled to Bourges, and afterwards to
his estate of Pontchartrain, rear Versailles. His faiher-in-Iaw had replaced him. He
took office again under Louis XVI., who appointed him Minister of State and Presi-
dent of the Council of Finances (1774). Up to his death (17S1) he had in reality all
the power of a prime mini>ter.

- Jacques Turgot, Baron de I'Aulne, belonged to an old family which came
originally from Brittany, and had settled in Normandy. He was born in 1727. He
was counsellor oi parUmenl, then, in 1762, intendant of Limoges, where his en-
lightened and benevolent administration made his name famous. Secretary of State
for the Department of Marine (1774), comptroller-general in the sanie year, dismissed
from office in 1776, he died five years later. Closely associated with the economist
party, he left several works on political economy and on administration.

^ Chreiicn-CuiUaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, of an illustrious family of
Nivernais, which during two centuries occupied the highest posts in the magistracy.
He was born in 1 72 1, was counsellor of parloiunt (1744), chief president of the
Cciir dcs Aides* (1750), dismi^-ed, and exiled in 1771. Re-insiated in his office by
Louis XVI, in 1774, he resigned in the following year. Secretary of State to the
Kings Household (1:75-1776), Minister of State (17S7-17SS). He lived abroad
until 1792, when he returned to France to offer his services to the king, whose defence

* The Coitrs dcs Aides were tribunals charged with judging and deciding as a final court ofappeal
all civil and criminal cases concerning taxes, Cabclics t and FailUsX That of Paris dated fro.n 1355.
This tribunal was ihc only one that had the right of interpreting the royal ordinances concerning the
levying of taxes. — Translator.

t Salt ta.f. t Villain-tax. — {^Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 33

M. de Castries/ M. de Calonne, a few Councillors of State,
and several heads of administration. About the same time, I
was introduced to the Due de Choiseul,^ Madame de Brionne,'
Madame de Montesson,* Madame de Boufflers,^ Madame de la
Reyniere ; ^ on certain days, the best society in Paris met at the
houses of these people.

My cold manners and apparent reserve, had induced some
persons to say I was witty. Madame de Gramont,'^ who did not
like the reputations which she had not made herself, was of service
to me by seeking to embarrass me, at the time I first went into
society. I was supping for the first time at Auteuil at Madame de
Boufflers', and was seated at one end of the table, hardly speaking
to my neighbour. Madame de Gramont, in a loud, harsh voice,

he pleaded before the Convention. Arrested in December, 1792, he mounted the
scatFold with his daughter and his son-in-law (M. de Chateaubriand, the brother of
the illustrious writer).

^ Charles de la Croix, Marquis de Castries, belonged to an old family of Langue-
doc. Born in 1727, he became lieutenant-peneral, Governor of Montpellier and of
Cette (1758), Governor of Flanders and of Hainaut, Secretary of State to the Depart-
ment of Marine (17S0), Marshal of France (1783). He emigrated during the Revolu-
tion, commanded a division of ihe army of Conde, and died in 1801.

* Etienne Francois, Due de Choiseul-Stainville (1719-1785), ambassador, then
Minister- Secretary of State (1758-1770).

' Louise de Rohan, Canoness of Remiremont, daughter of Prince Charles de
Rohan-Montauban, lieutenant-general. She became the wife of Charles de Lorraine,
Comie de Brionne, Grand- Equerry of France,

* Charlotte Beraud de la Haie de Riou, Marquise de Montesson, born in 1737.
She married, in 1754, the Marquis de Montesson, lieutenant-general. Widowed in
1769, she married secretly the Due d'Orleans (1773). After the death of the Due
(1785), she lived in retirement. Arrested under the Terror, she was saved by the
9th Thermidor. She was very intimate with Madame de Beauharnais, afterwards
Empress Josephine. She died in February, 1S06. Madame de Montesson had
written much, and has left numerous comedies and novels.

* The Comtesse Marie de Boufflers- Rouvrel, nee de Campar-Saujon, was lady in
waiting to the Duchesse d'Orleans. She became a widow in 1764. Imprisoned under
the Terror, but more fortunate than her daughter-in-law, the Duche3se de Lauzun, she
escaped the scaffold, and died in 1800.

•* Suzanne de Jarente, daugliler of Alexandre de Jarente, Marquis d'Orgeval,
married on February I, 1763, Alexandre Grimod de la Reyniere, who from being a
simple pork-butcher had risen to the post of Fermicr-gcneral.* He made a con-
siderable fortune, and built the superb hotel which now stands at the corner of the
Rue Boissy-d'Anglas and of the Avenue Gabriel. This hotel, which served as the
residence of the Russian, and afterwards of the Turkish, embassies, belongs to-day to
the Cercle de r Union Artistique. It is known that La Reyniere had acquired the
reputation of an epicure of the first order. The dinners given by him and his wife
have remained famous.

^ Beatrix de Choiseul-Stainville, daughter of the Due de Choiseul, canoness of
Remiremont. In 1759, she mariied Antoine, Due de Gramont, Governor of Navarre.
She mounted the scaflbld in 1 794 with her friend, the Duchesse du Chatelet.

» FermicrGin4ral. The custom existed under the old Monarchy of conferring the farming of the
taxes on financiers who paid a fixed sum for it. — {Translator.)

VOL. I. D

34 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

asked me, calling me by my name, what had so much struck me
on entering the drawing-room, whither I followed her, to say :
" Ah ! ah ! " " Your grace," I replied, " did not exactly hear what
I said ; my words were not ' Ah ! ah ! ' but ' Oh ! oh ! '" That
wretched reply caused general hilarity ; I continued to sup, and
did not say another word. On leaving the table, a few persons
came up to me, and I received for the following days several
invitations which enabled me to make the acquaintance of the
persons whom I was most anxious to meet.

I had no occasion to do so at the house of my parents ; for
they saw but few people, and especially few of those who shone
on the scene where ministerial appointments were disputed. I
preferred to go to my mother at the hours when she was alone :
I could then better enjoy the graces of her mind. No one ever
seemed to me to possess such fascinating conversation. She
had no pretension. She spoke only by shades ; she never made
a pun : that would have been too pointed ; puns arc remembered ;
she merely wished what she said to please — to please her
hearers for the time being and be forgotten. A richness of easy
expressions, nev/ and always delicate, supplied the various needs
of her mind. From her I have inherited a great aversion for
persons who, in order to speak with more accuracy, use only
technical terms. I have faith neither in the wit nor in the
knowledge of those who do not know equivalent terms and are
alwaj's describing : they are indebted only to their memory
for what they know, their knowledge can therefore be only
superficial. I am sorry that such a thought should have
occurred to m.c whilst M. von Humboldt,-^ is in Paris, but it is
written.

I spent my time in a very pleasant manner and did not waste
it too much ; the circle of my acquaintances was widening.
The relations which it was then considered good style to have with
the wits of the day, came to me through a good lady named

^ The two brothers, \ViIliam and Alexander von Humboldt, both made their names
famous — the former in literature and politics, the latier in science. The author here
refers to Alexan<ler. born in 17C9, he travelled a long time in America and in Asia,
and pub:i>he(l an account of his travels ; he is also the author of numerous scientific
works ai.d treatises, notably the Cosmos. Thanks to him, physical geography and
botany made remarkable progress. He died in 1S59.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 35

Madame d'H^ricourt,^ whose husband had held the post of
naval commissary at Marseilles. She loved wit, young people,
and good cheer. Every week we had dinner at her house, and
a most enjoyable one it was. The guests were M. de Choiseul,
M. de Narbonne, Abbe Delille, de Chamfort, de Rulhiere, de
Marmontel,^ who took turns with Abb^ Arnaud,^ Abbe Ber-
trand,* and myself. The gaiety that reigned there kept the
pretentious in check, and I must state that in that company,
where so much gaiety and presumption was brought together,
jeering or slandering were never indulged in, in the space of five
years.

Count von Creutz,-^ Minister of Sweden, who thought to
please his master by pretending to be considered a wit in France,
took great pains to have once a week at his table, the same
persons who composed the dinner-party of Madame d'Hericourt.
We went there three or four times, but Marmontel read so
many tragedies that he drove away all the guests. As for me
I held firm until he came to Numitor.

Readings after dinner were then the reigning fashion ;
they imparted special importance, and were reputed to
give a select tone, to some houses. One seldom dined
at the houses of M. de Vaudreuil,^ M. de Lian-

^ Louise Duche, daughter of a chief advocate-general in the Cour des Aides of
Montpellier. She married, in 1741, Benigne du Trousset d'Hericourt, a former
naval commissary.

^ JeaD-Fran9ois Marmontel, bom at Bort (Limousin) in 1723. On the advice of
Veil aire, his master and friend, he wrote for the stage, but failed completely. He
found his vein only in moral tales, which had a prodigious success, and procured him
the congratulations of nearly all the sovereigns of Europe. He was appointed Historio-
grapher of France, and entered the Academy. He died in 1799.

* Abbe Fran9ois Arnaud, born in 1 721, at Aubignon (Vaucluse). He was one
of the warmest supporters of the philosophical impulse of the eighteenth century,
and acquired a certain celebrity by his works. He was a member of the French
Academy. He died in 1784-

* Abbe Bertrand, born in 1755, at Autun. He studied astronomy, and was
appointed Professor of Physics at Dijon. He was admitted to the academy of this
city. He undertook with d'Entrecasteaux a voyage round the world, but he died on
the way at the Cape of Good Hope (1792). He left various scientific treatises.

^ Count Gustavus von Creutz was born in Sweden in 1736. Minister from Sweden
to Madrid in 1753, and then to Paris, where he remained twenty years. His salon
became one of the circles of society most sought by philosophers and literary men.
In 178:, King Gustavus IH. recalled him to Stockholm, and appointed him Senator
and Minister of Foreign Affairs. He died two years after.

* Joseph de Rigaud, Comte de Vaudreuil, belonged to a very old family of
Languedoc ; he was born in 1740. He lived for a long while at Versailles, frequent-
ing tTie salon of Madame de Polignac and the society of the queen. _ He was intimate
with the Comte d'Artois, whom he accompanied in 1782 to the siege of Gibraltar.

D 2

36 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

court,^ Madame de Vaines," M. d'Anzely, without being obliged
to hear either Le Mariagc de Figaro, the poem known as Les
Jardins^ or Le Connetable de Bourho7i,^ or some tales by Cham-
fort, or what was then called La Revolution de Riissiefi It
was an obligation rather strictly enforced on all the persons
invited ; but then, the fact of being a guest at any of these
houses, ranked one among the distinguished men of the day.
I might say that many people whom I did not know spoke of
me in good terms, simply because they had met me at some
of these dinner-parties to which the right of making people's
reputation had been granted. In this respect, I was like the man
spoken of by the Chevalier de Chastellux : * "-He is doubtless a
very witty man," remarked the Chevalier to some one ; '' I do not
know hi)n, but fie goes to Madame GeoffritisJ'

I had also noticed that when one was anxious not to be classed
among the habitue's of open houses and thus to rank with the
crowd, some advantage could be derived by affecting estrange-
ment from, and even aversion for, some prominent member of
society. My choice fell on M. Neckcr. I persistently refused to
go to his house. I said, rather boldly, that he was neither a good

He kept open house at his residence of Gennevilliers, and often received M. de Talley-
rand there. He emigrated with the Comte d'Artois, took up his residence in London
in 1799, returned to I'aris at the Restoration, was created peer of France in 1S14, and
died in 1S17. His correspondence with the Comte d'Artois was published in Paris,
1889 (2 vols. Svo. L. Pini^aud).

^ Francois de la Rochefoucauld, Due de Liancourt, born in 1747, was brigadier
of dragoons ; Grand Master of the Wardrobe (17S3), deputy of the nobility of Cler-
mont to the States- General, lieiitenant-general (1 792). He emigrated after August 10 ;
he lived in retirement under the Empire. At the Restoration he was created a peer,
but his liberal opinions precluded him from obtaining public functions. He died in
1827. His funeral gave rise to tumultuous incidents.

' This was firobably the wife of M. J. de Vaines, Receiver-General, Commissary
of the Treasury (1733- 1S03). He was often seen at the house of Marshal de Beauvau,
and at that of Madame GeofTrin.

^ " The Marriage of Figaro,'' a poem of Abbe Delille on the gardens of the Due
d'Orleans at Monceau.

"• Tragedy of the Comte Jacques de Guibert (1743-1790), lieutenant-general. His
name will remain known, not by his tragedies, but by an Essay on Tactics, of which
Napoleon said "that it was fitted to make great men."

^ "The Kevolutions of Russia" — a v/ork by Ruhliere.

** Talleyrand doubtless means here Francois-Jean, Marquis de Chastellux, born in
Paris in 1734 ; he took service in Germany from 1756 to 1763, and, in 17S0, went to
America as major-general, and there formed an intimacy with Washington. He was
a friend of Voltaire and of the encyclopedists. He wmte various woiks and was
elected a member of the Acodi-mie Franfa se. His essay entitled Dc la Fclicite
Piiblique{\-iz\, was praised by Voltaire. He is the author of another eassy entitled
Eloge d'lJclvciuis (1774), and of an account of travels in North America (1780-1782).
He died in 17SS. — {Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 37

minister of finances nor a statesman ; that he had few ideas, no
administrative system of his own, that his loans were badly con-
ducted, onerous and injurious to public morals ; badly conducted,
because they provided no sinking-fund ; onerous, because the
rates of public bills of exchange neither required so high an
interest as that paid for his loan, nor such delays as those, which,
in order to make the fortune of Girardot's and of Germani's firms,
were granted to thirty Geneva bankers ; injurious to public
morals, because his loans based on life-interest fostered and
developed a kind of selfishness unknown to French manners
before the days of M. Necker. I said that he talked badly, that
he did not know how to argue, that he was always affected ; I
said that the weakness of his constitution, which kept him in a
continual state of fear, reflected upon all the faculties of his
mind. I said that his pride did not come from his nature, but
rather from his crooked mind, and want of taste ; I said that
with his fantastic hat, his long head, his big body, burly and ill-
shaped, his inattentive airs, his scornful demeanour, his constant
use of maxims, painfully drawn from the laboratory of his mind,
he had all the appearance of a charlatan. I said, I believe, a
thousand other things that it would be useless to repeat, because
to-day they are on everybody's lips.

Madame de Montesson's house, which was kept just on the
verge of decency, was particularly agreeable. To amuse the Due
d'Orldans, Madame de Montesson had pieces played by her
visitors, which she knew would please him ; and, in order not
merely to amuse, but to interest him as well, she wrote several
of these pieces herself In the theatre, a special box was
placed at the disposal of the mundane members of the clergy ;
to which the Archbishop of Toulouse,^ the Bishop of Rodez,'^
the Archbishop of Narbonne,^ and the Bishop of Comminges,*
had secured my admission.

1 M. de Brienne.

- Jerome Champion de Cice, born at Rennes in 1735. General-agent of the
clergy (1765), Bishop of Rodez (1770), Archbishop of Bordeaux (1781), member of
the Assembly of Notables (1787), deputy of the clergy to the States-General (1789),
Keeper of the Seals (1789). He refused to take the oath to the civil constituiioa of
the clergy, and emigrated (1791). Archbishop of Aix in 1802, he died in iSio.

3 M. de Dillon.

* Charles d'Osmond de Medavy, born in 1723; Bishop of Comminges (1764-

1785)-

38 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Curiosity, much more than a decided taste for music, took me
also to all the learned and wearisome concerts that were given
then, sometimes at the house of the Comte de Rochechouart,
sometimes at M. de Albaret's, sometimes at Madame Lebrun's.^
I was careful not to have an opinion on French music, or Italian
music, or on that of Gluck. I was too young to reason as to
the proportionate value of what fashion forced me to regard
as a pleasure. If, however, I had been obliged to pass an
opinion, I would have felt inclined to say that music being, in
general, only a language which expresses, in an ideal manner, the
sensations and even the sentiments that we experience, each
country must have a style of music peculiar to itself, and which
the taste of its inhabitants induces them to prefer to all others.
But my ignorance saved me, and I never had, on this important
subject, any quarrel with any one.

The position I had taken in society gave a sort of pre-emin-
ence to my agency ; I performed its duties almost alone, because,
a few months after our taking office, a rather too public adven-
ture had deprived Abbe de Boisgelin," my colleague, of the
confidence of the clergy. The natural indolence of M. de Bois-
gelin and his passion for Madame de Cavanac (famous under the
name of Mademoiselle de Romans, and also because she was
the mother of Abbe de Bourbon ^) had easily induced him to
countenance my doing his work as well as my own.

I had surrounded myself with persons of learned and sound
views : M. de Maunay,^ afterwards Bishop of Treves ; M. Bourlier,^

• Marie-Louise Vigee-Lebrun, bom in I75S, was one of the most celebrated
painters of the eighteenth century. She left trance in 17S9, and was received with
dibtinction at most foreign courts. She died in 1S42. She has left very interesting
Memoirs.

- Abbe de Boisgelin was a cousin of the cardinal-archbishop. He perished in
1792, in the course of the massacres of September.

^ Mademoiselle de Romans had, by L'-uis XV., a son who was christened under
the name of Dourbon, a favour not accorded to any other natural son of the king.
She however failed to obtain his legitimization. He was known afterwards under
the name of .A.bbe de Eourbon, and died in the reign of Louis XVL Mademoiselle
de Romans married later M. de Cavanac (see the Alcmoirs of Madame Camfa?i,
vol. iii. ).

■* Charles Maunay, bom at Champoix (Fuy-de-Dome) in 1745 ; Bishop of Treves
in 1S02.

'' Jean-Baptistc, Comte Bourlier, born at Dijon in 1731. He took orders, and
the oath of allegiance to the civil constiiution of the clergy. 1 bishop of Evreux
in 1802, deputy to the ( oyps Icgidalif, senator in 1S12, peer of France under the
Restoration, he died in 1821.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION.

afterwards Bishop of Evreux ; M. Duvoisln/ who became
Bishop of Nantes, and M. Des Renaudes,^ who was not socially
the equal of the former. I am happy to acknowledge here
all the marks of friendship displayed towards me by MM.
Maunay, Bourlier, and Duvoisin, whom I have always been
pleased to meet at all periods of my life. M. Des Renaudes
left me to enter the house of Secretary of State, Maret ^ ; his
style of talent finding permanent employment in his new
duties might have led him promptly to fortune : he was a man
who excelled in making use of other people's ideas.

I was anxious not to keep for ever my post of agent-general
of the clergy, but took all necessary precautions not to let any
one suspect my ambition ; thus, in order to attract notice, I was
busily engaged on works, which, without belonging exactly to my
province, were not altogether foreign to the duties I discharged.

The abolition of the lotteries was one of my favourite ideas ;
I had investigated all the chances and all the consequences of
that baneful institution. At the same time, I noticed that the
clergy, being attacked and scoffed at by philosophers, were daily

^ Jean-Baptiste, Baron Duvoisin, bom at Langres in 1744, was a professor in the
Sorbonne, a promoter of the Officialite* of Paris, chief-vicar of Laon. In 1792, he
was exiled for refusing to submit to the civil constitulion of the clcrjry. In 1S02, he
was appointed Bishop of Nantes, and took a part in the differences that arose between
the emperor and the Holy See. He died in 1813.

^ Martial Borge des Kenaudes, born at Tulle in 1755, was chief-vicar to M. de
Talleyrand at Autun, whom he assisted in the capacity of under-deacon at the Mass
of the Federation. He was the confidential man of Talleyrand, who, it is said,
entrusted him with the task of writing his speeches. Talleyrand's report on public
instruction is entirely Des Renaudes' work. Under the Consulate, Des Renaudes
was named Tribune. His name was struck out of the list of the Tribunate in 1802.
Later on he was appointed Censeur'\ — a post which he preserved under the
Restoration. He died in 1825.

* Hugues Maret, bom at Dijon in 1763, advocate to the parkment of Burgundy.
Sent to Naples in 1792, he was seized by the Austrians, and only set at liberty in
1795, being exchanged for the Duchesse d'Angouleme. Minister- Secretary of State
in 1804, he was Mmister of Foreign Affairs in ibii, and created Due de Bassano ;
Minister of War (1813). He was exiled in 1815 ; peer of France in 1831, he was for
a while President of the Council (November, 1834). He died in 1839.

* The Officiality of Paris was the tribunal of bishops and archbishops. All students came
under the jurisdiction of ihis court, which judged certain lay ca'cs as well (tithes, marriage cases,
lieresy, and simony. The (7^c;a/ only pronounced canonical penalties ; for cases requiring corporal
punishment he sent the culprit to the secular courts. The /rowii/c^ir fulfilled the functions of public
.nccuser. M.P. Foumier has published a very interesting volume on the (J^c;a///^. Paris. Plon.
On&Z°va\.— (Translator.)

t The censorship had been abolished in 1791 for the press as well a.s for books. Re-established, as a
matter of fact, under the Directory, it was legally organized under the Consulate. A censorship was
imposed by the Empire over each daily paper. The Restoration in proclaiming the liberty of the
pres.-s re-established the censorship. Among the papers of which Des Renaudes was censor, Z.'y}>«!£/e
la Religion et dit j^ij/must be mentioned. In i3c8, Des Renaudes was appointed councillor of the
University for life. — (Translator.)

40 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

losing public regard. My object was that they should regain the
esteem of the people, and for this purpose, I was anxious to hold
them up to the eyes of the nation, as the protectors of strict
morality. By inducing the clergy to submit to some pecuniary
sacrifices in support of that principle, I should have served, not
only public morals, but also the very order I had consented to
join.

I was anxious that the clergy should propose to buy from the
government the royal lottery, in order to suppress it ; that is to
say, that they should engage to furnish regularly every year,
a gratuitous present representing as much revenue as the lottery
produced for the royal treasury. The memorial to be addressed
to the king to ask him to proscribe this baneful institution, might
have been superb ; I should have been most happy to have
drafted it.^

The members of the clergy, upon whom I most depended to
second my motion, declined to do so. It may be observed that
my first political campaign was not very fortunate, a result
which I dare to attribute to the fact that my proposals Vv'cre
far too radical for the men with whom I purposed to make use
of them.

The amelioration of the condition of the clergy, as determined
by the edict of 176S, appeared to me far from sufficient.- It was
necessary to induce the clergy to propose an increase of salary ;
but in order to respect the interests of the chief tithe-owners as far

' For a lonfj time, lotteries in France constituted a revenue for the State. The
government collected the fees paid by th.e persons licenced to organize lotteries, and
organized some official ones besides. The Order in Council of June 30, 1776, created
the royal lottery of France. This was suppressed in the year II., re-cstabl^hed in
ihe year VI., and not definitely abolished until 1S36, in execution of the Law of
Finances of I S3 2.

^ The lower clergy had always bieen complaining of having hardly anything to live
upon, while, on the contrary, the bishops and the commendatory abbots were tnioying
considerable incomes. At different times the government had intervened to better
their condition. An edict of 176S insured a minimum salary of 500 livres " to a curate,
and of 200 to a \icar. In 177S, the former received 700 livres, and the latter 250,
increased afterwards to 350 livres (17S5). This was the settled allowance, in contrast
with which it is as well 10 cite the amount of income derived hy certain chief tithe-
owners, who often retained for themsehes half, sometimes even three-quarter-;, of the
total amount of the tithes. The Abbe of Clairvaux received thus 400,000 livres a
year; the Cardinal de Rohan, 1,000,000 ; the Benedictines of Cluny, 1,800,000 ; the
J^enediciines of Saint-Maur, 1,672 in number, 8,000,000, and these were not
exceptions,

* A French coin In use before the Revolution, and amounling 10 about tenpence. — (^Tratisiaior.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 41

as was consistent with my objects, I followed the plan employed
by M. de Malesherbes and M. de Ruhliere, when they pleaded
the cause of the Protestants. In order to reach their end, they
both maintained that the intentions of Louis XIV. had not been
carried out. I maintained, even, that the principle which had
served to establish the new rate of State allowance for the lower
clergy, had been violated in deciding that the said allowance
should, in no case, exceed five hundred francs. I had confined my-
self to requesting the redress of an error, of which, as I said, the
higher clergy would surely have been glad to be informed.
According to the value of the silver mark, of which I pointed out
the growing depreciation and its low proportion to the price
of commodities, the increase, to be fair, ought to reach seven
hundred and fifty francs. To-day a thousand francs would be
required to obtain what these seven hundred and fifty francs
would then have easily procured. However, I did not succeed.
The State allowance remained fixed at five hundred francs,
and to-day, I believe, it still stands at about the same rate.

Another attempt on my part was no more successful.
During a journey I made to Brittany I noticed that, in this
country, many women were neither maids, wives, nor widows.
They had, at some time or other, been married to sailors who
had not returned home, but whose death had never been
properly ascertained. The law forbade their marrying again.
I employed all the arguments of theology, which, when
handled with a little judgment, are elastic enough to serve
any purpose, to show that it was desirable that, after a
certain number of years, sufficient to prevent social scandal,
these poor women should be allowed to marry again. My
memoir was committed to M. de Castries, who thought it
necessary to consult his friend, the Bishop of Arras, on the
subject.^ The latter saw, as a theologian, that my suggestion
could be of no use to him, and, therefore, denounced it in the
strongest terms. My memoir was thrown into the fire, and it

^ Louis de Conzie, born in 1732, entered the army at first, and was officer of
dragoons. Having embraced the ecclesiastical career, he was appointed Bishop of
St. Omer in 1 766, and of Arras in 1769. A violent adversary of the Revolution, he
refused a ^eat in the States-General, and went over to England. He died in 1804, in
London,

42 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

required no less an event than the Revolution to enable all these
Breton women — who I should think, were no longer young —
to marry again, if they chose.

The care I bestowed upon the private affairs of the clergy
and the success of some of my reports to the Conseil dcs Parties'^
caused my superiors to overlook all the little reforms of general
utility which I endeavoured to rank with my duties. They said :
" It is the result of his youth ; with a little experience that will
soon pass off." Emboldened by the benevolent disposition
manifested towards me, I launched myself into an undertaking
which I managed to connect with the interests of the clergy,
although in point of fact, it was quite foreign to them. M.
d'Ormesson," a very honest man, but one of the most wretched
comptroller-generals of the last century, had undertaken such
a series of unfortunate speculations that the government was left
without either money or credit. The uneasiness was general:
people anxious to withdraw their deposits, rushed in crowds to
the Bank of Discount,^ the directors of which, in the interest
of a few bankers, preferred to solicit authorization to suspend
payment rather than diminish their rate of discount. M.
d'Ormesson having granted the authorization requested by the
directors, bank-notes obtained a forced currency, which ne-
cessarily caused them to fall in value.'* The clergy possessed a

^ The Conseil dcs Parties was a section of the Council of State or Council of the
King, the great administrative body of the kingdom. It decided ihe conflicts of
jurisdiction, interpreted the laws and ordinances, and pronounced on the cases which
the king " thought fit to bring before his council." It was composed of the chan-
cellor, president, twenty-six counsellors-in-ordinary, and sixteen counsellors appointed
every six months.

* Henri Lefevre d'Ormesson belonged to an old and illustrious family of magis-
trates. He was born in 1751, was Counsellor of pai'lcvicnt and Intendant of
Fimnces. Raised to be Comptroller-General in 17S3, he failed c<implctely in this
office, and was replaced I'y Calonne. He was elected Mayor of Paris in 1792, but
declined the post. He was afterwards Administrator of the Department of the Seme,
and died in 1S07.

2 Caissc if Escompie. It was instituted by Turgot, with royal license in 1776;
its object was to discount at four per cent, all bills of (Exchange, and to bring general
interest in all tran-actions to the same rate. A turn of ^eventy millions (about
^2,800,000) having been eNacted from its governors by Compiiollcr-General de
Calonne as reserve fund, seriously shook its credit. It was abolished on August
24, 1793, by deciee of the National Convention. — {Translator.)

■* The '■ulinance of March 24, 1776, au;hori,x'd the creati 'n of a bank named the
Caisse d' Eseoniftc, which, wiihout exclusive prisilege, loaned muney to the trade at
four per ceiit. In 17 S3, the Treasury being in a most critic j1 situation, M. d'Ormesson
secretly borrowed six millions from this bank. The secret got abroad. Holders of

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 43

large number of them. Having alleged the necessity for watch-
ing the proceedings of the bank, I was enabled to attend the
first meetings of the shareholders. Enlightened men thought
with reason that the old regulations did not offer sufficient
security. A commission was named to examine them ; new
regulations were agreed to, and I was selected to draw up the
report to be read at the general assembly.

This was the first time that I was, strictly speaking, con-
nected with public affairs. I prefaced my report by a speech in
which I had applied myself to set forth all the advantages of
public credit ; I laid stress on its importance ; I established the
fact that all was possible to one who possessed a large credit ;
that credit alone suffices for all the needs of commerce, of large
trading establishments, of manufactures, and so on. After
having set forth all the advantages of credit, I spoke of the
means of obtaining and of preserving it. I remember that, in this
paper, I was so pleased to make known all the various uses of
which credit is susceptible, that I made use of a host of expres-
sions which are only employed to depict the most timid and
delicate sentiments. An old banker, named Rillet, a regular
Genevese, who listened to me with attention, learned with
extreme pleasure, which he expressed by the roughest gestures,
that, in paying exactly his bills of exchange, he did something
so very fine that it could only be expressed in the language of
imagination. He came to me, and begged me as he pressed my
hands to allow him to copy that part of my speech. His en-
thusiasm became useful, for he repeated so badly what I had just
said, that I deemed it quite out of place, and left it out in the
printed text.

From the advantages of credit, and the means of obtaining
it, I turned at last to the special institutions which facilitate,
accelerate, and simplify all its transactions while hastening and
ensuring its progress.

notes became uneasy, and insisted on their deposits being returned to them. D'Or-
messon authorized the bank to suspend for three months the payment in cash of notes
of more than 300 li vres, and gave forced currency to bank notes. The panic increased ;
the payment of arrears was to be suspended. Calonne suppressed the forced currency ;
the ban' ers advanced to the bank the sums necessary for its payments ; its credit was
re-established, and it regained the greatest prestige.

44 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The most important of these institutions was a bank, whose
first object must be to maintain the low price of money, and to
furnish it in abundance for all the needs of circulation. The
crisis which the Bank of Discount had just passed through
required that great changes should be introduced into its govern-
ment ; the changes I proposed were all adopted. The only
article that met with any opposition was that in which I suggested
that the assembly should not be composed of so many bankers,
because their personal interest was opposed to that of the
establishment which they were called to manage ; nevertheless
as the greater number of shares were in the hands of the bankers
of Paris, it was foreseen that the article would be easily evaded,
and it was adopted.

I am rather prolix : but when speaking of our recollections
we speak of something dear to us : besides, when I began these
memoirs, I fully made up my mind, rightly or wrongly, to disclose
frankly my opinion on all that which, either as an act of admin-
istration or as a settled project, engaged my attention, or that
of the public, for any length of time.

The different subjects with which I had been occupied had
attracted to me the attention of men, who, by profession, were
acquainted with all new ambitions. Foulon,^ Panchaud, Sainte-
Foy2 Favier,3 Daude sought my acquaintance, and spoke of
me as destined some day to direct the affairs of the State. It
was indeed somewhat dangerous to be too closely connected
with these men ; though also advantageous to be on good
terms with them. Yet, to reach his goal with dignit}-, it v/as
necessary for any one that the suffrages of polite society should

' Joseph Francois Foulon, bora at Saumur in 1 715. He was Commissioner of
War under the ministry of M. de llelle-lsle. Having been appointed Iiitendant-
Genernl of the armies of Marshals de Broglie and de Soubisp, he was afterwards
Intcndant of Finance (1771). In 17S9, he was Councillor of State, and was entrusted
with the ^u]5!ily of the troops destined to act against Paris. Cn July 14, fearing fur
his life, he tried to esca|ie, but was arrested about sixteen miles fiom Paris, brought
back, (bagged to the Hotel de Ville, and there assassinated.

- r.>iplomalic agent and secretary of the Comie d'Ariois.

^ Jean l.ouis Favier, fiorn in 1711, was Syndic-General of the Slates of I angue-
doc. He afterwards entered diplomacy, and became one of the j^rincipal secret
agents of Louis XV. Arrested at Ilau;burg by the <.rder of llie Due d'Aigiiillon, and
conducted to tlie Bastille, he remained there un;;l the accession of Louis XVL He
died in I 7l?4. Favier has left a number of political \'. rit'ngs. The E<ost important —
Kcjlcxions contre le Traitt' de 1756* — was composed for M. d'Argenson.

* " Considerations against the Treaty of 175C."

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 45

appoint him to the posts he wished to gain. As for me, I
was in no hurry ; I was instructing myself. I took journeys ;
I had done my best to form some idea of the constitution of the
pays (fctats} and had easily convinced myself that that of
Brittany, where Madame de Girac,^ sister-in-law of the bishop
of Rennes.^ lived, was likely to procure me most information. I
made several journeys thither. I enjoyed a certain reputation,
but not being yet sufficiently acquainted with the world, I was
happy to think that I had still some years before me during
which I might share the life and pleasures of society, without
being obliged to arrange any of the deep combinations required
to satisfy the aspirations of a serious ambition.

All who sought office frequented some of the chief
families of Paris, whose opinions and language they moulded.
The house of Madame de Montesson was visited by the
Archbishop of Toulouse, who also shared with M. Necker the
sympathies of Madame de Beauvau.* It was at the house of

^ One knows the difference which existed between the pays d'etats and the pays
d'ehdion. The former were the provinces which had preserved the right of being
taxed by their provincial States (Brittany, Burgundy, Languedoc, Dauphine, Franche-
Comte, Lorraine, &c.). The others were those which, deprived of provincial States,
were taxed by the ilus (elect), that is, agents so-called, since the States-General had
actually elected them, and who still preserved this name, although they had for a long
time past been appointed by the king himself.

' The name of Madame de Girac reminds me that one day, she being indisposed,
the people who had come to see her were making end-rhymes late in the evening, and
that these were proposed : jolie, folic, sourit, traces, esprit, grdccs. They urged me
to fill them out ; I said that I had never made verses. They did not even give me a
pencil. The second verse which came to me, and which is almost the history of my
life, induced me to write on a card :

" Et que me fait a moi qu'on soit belle ou jolie,
A moi qui, par raison, ai fait une folic?
Je ne puis que gemir lorsque tout me sourit.

Et I'austere vertu qui partout suit mes traces,
A peine me permet les plaisirs de I'esprit,

Lorsque mon coeur emu veille au chevet des Graces." *

[Prince Talleyrand.)

' Francois Bareau de Girac, born at Angouleme (1732), was vicar-general of this
city, then Bishop of Saint-Brieuc (1766), and of Rennes (1769). lie refused to take
the oath in 1791, and exiled himself. He returned to France under the Consulate,
and died in 1820, having previously been appointed a canon of Saint-Denis.

* Marie Sylvie de Rohan-Chabot was born in 1729. She married Jean Baptiste
de Clermont d'Amboise, Marquis de Renel, and, at his death, became the wife of
Charles Just, Prince de Beauvau-Craon, grandee of Spain, and Marshal of France.

• " What do I care if people be beautiful or pretty,
I wlio, out of reason, indulged in folly?
I can but lament, when all smiles upon me.
And that austere virtue which everywhere follows my steps.
Hardly permits me the pleasures of the mind.
When my aggrieved heart watches by the pillow of the Graces."

46 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Madame de Polignac,i and at the Hotel de Luynes that M. de
Calonne found his supporters. The Bishop of Arras was next to
M. Necker in the eyes of Madame de Blot,^ and of M. de Castries.
M. de Fleury was backed by Madame de Brionne. The
Baron de Breteuil^ was second in many houses, first in none. M.
de Soubise^ protected Foulon. The Hotel du Chatelet had its
own ambition, and formed wishes for the appointment of the
Due de Choiseul, for everybody except M. Necker was in favour
with Madame de la Reyniere. Les Noailles spoke kindly of
M. de Meilhan,^ but did not place him in the foremost rank.

I went almost everywhere, and to a mind somewhat accustomed
to observe, the sight offered by the upper classes of society, during

^ Gabrielle de Polastron was married iri 1 749, to the Comte Jules de Polignac,
who was rnised lo the dukedom in I 7S0. She was long the friend of Marie- Antoinette.
Her salon was the centre of "the Queen's party " ; she became governess of the
Enfants dc France* She emigrated afier the 14th of July, and died shortly after
at Vienna, leaving two sons, one of whom became the minister of Charles X.

- Pauline Charpentier d'Ennery, born about 1733, married in 1719 Gilbert de
Chauvigny, Comte de Llot, a brigadier-general. She was lady-in-waiting to the
Duche^se d'Orleans.

' Louis Auguste Le Tonnellier, Baron de Breteuil, born in 1738 at Preuilly
(Touraine) ; entered the Foreign Office when still quite a youth. When minister at
Cologne, he was initiated in the secret diplomacy of the king. Ambassador at St.
Petersburg (1760). Having returned to France, he was appointed State Minister of the
king's household and of Paris ( 17S3). He re-assumed for a while the direction of
affairs in 17S0. He emigrated in 1790, with powers from the king to negotiate with
foreign sovereigns ; he returned to France in 1802, and died in 1807.

^ Charles de Rohan, Prince de Soubise, bora in 1715, lieutenant-general in 1748,
Marshal of France and Minister of State (175S). He died in 17S7. He was married
three times — 1st, to Anne delaTour d'Auveri:ne, Princesse de Bouillon, who died in
1739, k-aving a daughter, who married the Prince de Conde ; 2nd, to the Princesse
Tlierese de Savoie-Carignan ; 3rd, to the Princess Christine de Hesse-Khinfeld.

^ Gabriel Senac de Meilhan, born in 1736, was fivst Maitre dcs Rcquitcs,'\ then
Infendant of Aunis, of Provence (where the " allccs dc Meilhan '' at Marseilles still
preserve his memory), and finally of Hainaut. He was commissary-general of the
War Depaitment in 1775 ; he emigrated in 1 791, resided in Russia on the invitation
of the Empress Catherine, and died at Vienna in 1S03. Senac de Meilhan wrote
many works, two of which have established his reputation as a writer: Lcs Considera-
tions snr V Esprit ct lcs A[o:iirs (17S7), and Du Goiiverncmcnt, dcs Mcmrs, ct dcs Con-
ditions en France a'<ant la Revolution X (l795).

* The gr.irefiil tilte given to the royal children of France under the old m'narchy. — {Transliiior,')
\ Maitt c dcs RcquHcs, to the number of eight till the year 1144, Ijut who were afterwards raised
to eighty-ei^ht, had t A'o princii-al duties. First, they sat in rotation for peri'ids of ihrte inonths at
the King's Court, where they drew up reports of the pr ceedings. Second, they admin. stered justice
for tlirce m riihs in rotnti n at the Tribunal of the Courts. They had the right of jur S'Jiction over
all the ofhrer^ of the k.ng's household. In the first instance, they examined not only the cases of these
officers, but those of all (he persons who had the right of coiJiinittiinus. Appeals from them were
made to the f'arlcmciits. Sometimes, though very seldom, their decision in the ca es sent before
ihe n by the Council of State for final trial were without further appeal. These trials were generally
fur forgery of ofFic.al seals, or of letters patents, or infringements of the privileges of authors or
printers. They were at .0 entrus'ed wi h mak.n.; official imiuiries in the provinces, whenever needed,
and fr m pniongst ihem the Inicridanls df province (whose duties resembled somewliat those of a
high sherifl) wr-re chosen. — {Translator.)

t " Cou-ideraiions on Mind and Manners " (17E7). "Government, Manners, Customs, and Social
Condition of France before the Revolution " (1795).

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 47

the ten years of which I speak, was curious indeed. People's preten-
sions had put everybody out of place. Dehlle dined at the house of
Madame de Pohgnac with the queen; Abbede Baliviere played
with the Comte d'Artois ; M. de Vianes pressed the hand of M.
de Liancourt ; Chamfort took the arm of M. de Vaudreuil ; La
Vaupalliere, Travanet, Chalabre, took a trip to Marly, and had
supper at Versailles at the house of Madame de Lamballe.^
Gambling and witty sayings had levelled all ranks. Careers,
that great support of hierarchy and of good order, were being
destroyed. All young men considered themselves fitted to rule
the country. They criticized all the measures adopted by the
ministers. The personal acts of the king and queen were
brought under discussion, and nearly always incurred the dis-
approbation of the salons of Paris. Young women spoke per-
tinently of all the branches of the administration. I remember
that at a ball, between two dances, Madame de Stael,^ taught
M. de Surgere ^ what was meant by the kingdom of the West ; —
Madame de Blot had an opinion upon all the officers of the
French Navy ; Madame de Simiane,* said that there ought to be
no duties on Virginia tobacco. The Chevalier de Boufflers ^ who

^ Marie Therese Louise de Savoie-Carignan, Princesse de Lamballe, was the
daughter of Prince Victor de Savoie-Carignan. Born in 1749, she married in 1767
the Prince de Lamballe, son of the Due de Penthievre. Having lost her husband
after a year's marriage, she spent a portion of her life near the queen, who appointed,
her superintendent of her household. Having been arrested after the events of
April 10, 1792, she was murdered on September 2.

2 Anne- Louise Necker, Baronne de Stael, was born at Paris in 1766. She was
the daughter of Necker. She found herself early in life in contact with all the most
distinguished people and learned men of the time. When twenty years of age, she
married the Baron de Stael-Holstein, Swedish Ambassador to Paris. Madame de
Stael resided in Paris during the whole of the Revolution, and took an active part in
public affairs. Relentless enmity sprang up between her and the First Consul.
Having been exiled to Coppet with orders not to leave that place, she managed to
escape after eiqht months of semi-captivity. She visited Vienna, Moscow, St. Peters-
burg, Stockholm, and London. Returning to Franco with the Restoration, she died
on July 10, J817.

^ The V'icomte Jean-Fran9ois de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Surgere, only
known under this laNt name, was the son of the Marquis de Surgere, a lieutenant-
general. He published under the title of ^awaj'wV * several moral treatises (3 vol.
in 12), 1734-88.

* Probably Adelaide de Dama^, who married, in 1777, the Comte Charles de
Simiane, a colonel in the army, and gentleman-in-waiing to Monsieur, the Comte de
Provence, afterwards Louis XVIIL, next brother to Louis XVf.

* At the age of twenty-four, the Chevalier de Boufflers, born in 1738, was appointed
a Knight of Malta. Brigadier-General in 17S4, he was, in the following year, appointed
Governor of Senegal. Deputy of the States-General in 1 789, he was one of the mem-

* Miscellanies,

48 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

possessed some letters from Prince Henry of Prussia ^ in his
pocket-book, said that France could only regain her political
preponderance by abandoning the alliance of Austria for that of
Prussia. " There is much more learning in the parlcmcnt of
Rouen than in that of Paris," said Madame d'Henin.- "Were I
in the king's place, I would do. . . such a thing," said jM. de
Poix.^ " Were I the Comte d'Artois, I would say. . . to the
king,'' said St. Blancard,'* and so on with the others. This state
of affairs would have changed in a moment, if the government
had been stronger or more skilful ; if serious preoccupations
had not totally gone out of fashion ; if the queen, less beautiful
and above all less pretty, had not given way to all the whims and
fancies of the time. Easy manners in sovereigns inspire more
love than respect, and when troubles come, that love itself van-
ishes. Then an attempt is made to resort to authority, but it is
too plain that this show of authority is only an effort, and a mere
effort does not last. The government, not daring to follow up
that which they undertake, fall again, of necessity, into a fatal
indolence. Then comes the last expedient — a change of min-
isters ; that, it is thought, will remedy the situation ; it may con-
tent some families, please some persons, but that is all. At that

bers of the Constihitional Parly. He emigrated in 1792, and lived at rcrlin near
Prince Henry of Prussia. He returned to France in iSoo, and died in 1S15. The
Chevalier de I'-oufllers had married in 176S, the Princess Lubomirsla. Later, at
Berlin, he, having become a widower, married the widow of the Maiquis de Sabran.
The letters he exchanged \\ith his second wife before his marriage have been
publi-hed.

^ Prince Henry of Prussia was a brother of the gr'^at Frederick. He obtained
brilliant successes during the Seven "^"ears' War. Very French in his tastes and
manners, he often caoie to Paris, where he was received in all the salons. He died
in 1S02.

- Mademoiselle de Monconseil married, in 1766, Charles d'Al ace de Henin-
Lietard, born in 1744, Known under the 1 anie of Prince d'Henin. She was lady-in-
waiting to the queen. The Vicomtesse de Noailles has penned a very ] retty portrait
of her in the Vic dc la Piinccsse de Poix.

3 Philippe de Koadles-Mouch)', Pnnce de Poix, peer c f France, and grandee of
.Spain, burn in 1752, was brigadier-g' iicral in 17SS. I'eputy of the nobihty to the
Sla'.es-( lene'al, he ado]itcd the constitutional principles, and wa^ elected Commander
of the Nati'-nnl Guard at Versailles. He emigrated in 1791, rciurncd to France in
iSco, and lived in retirement until the Restoration. Licuienant-General in 1S14, he
died in 1S19.

* Charles de Gontaut, Marquis de Saint-Plancard (born in 1752) was, at the time
Prince Talleyrand .speaks of, a captain in the Gardes JratT(aiscs.* He emigrated in
1792, and commanded a brigade in the army of Conde. Having returned to France,
he lived in retirement until the Restoration.

* A body of French troops under the old monarchy. — {Translator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 49

time, France had the appearance of being composed of a certain
number of families whose interests the government had to take
into account. By such or such a choice they gratified the wishes
of one of these famihes, and secured its influence ; then turning
to another, they made use of it in the same manner. How could
such a state of affairs endure ?

The power of what, in France, they call Society, was prodigious
during the years which preceded the Revolution, and even during
the whole of the last century. The light and varied ways
peculiar to it, probably prevented our historians from noticing
the origin, and following up the effects, of this strange result
of modern civilization ; I have often thought of it : here are
my ideas on the subject.

In countries where the constitution is lost in the clouds of
history, the influence of society must be immense. When the
origin of that constitution is recent and consequently still
before us, this influence amounts to nothing. We see that
Athens and Rome in antiquity, England and the United States
of America in modern times, have never had, and have no
Society.

The dramatic literature of the ancients, Plutarch, the letters
of Cicero, those of Pliny, the chronicles of Suetonius, give us no
idea of society circles. If we are to judge of Athens by the
comedies of Aristophanes, or by the fragments of those of
Menander, which have been preserved in the clever adaptations of
Terentius, we see that the women lived in absolute retirement.
The love-intrigues related in these comedies only apply to courte-
sans, or to young girls stolen from their parents by slave-dealers.
When every citizen took part in the management of public
affairs, the only meeting places were the forum, the tribunal, and
the stock-exchange. Ardent imaginations gave a few hours to
artists' studios, or to the salons of famous courtesans. But this
was not the general custom, it was only the amusement of a
few. The Romans, by nature warriors and conquerors, always
scorned those customs which make life more quiet and plea-
sant. If eloquence itself, which contributed so much to their
glory, was not banished from Rome, it was merely because the
Senate made use of it when discussing the great interests of the
VOL. I. E

50 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

State, and, in the forum, to defend the property and the lives of
the citizens. The}- abandoned even the arts, fruits of their
conquests, to slaves or to freedmen. The women of Rome never
left the shelter of their homes ; it was indecent for any woman
but a courtesan to show any talent.

The mingling of the two sexes in society was unknown to
the ancients, and but a few years since it was still held in scorn
by the customs of England and America.

Permitted in France, it has formed the essential and dis-
tinctive character of society : it was under the reign of Francis I.
that women began to appear at court. Their presence had an
immediate influence on manners, on politeness and on good
taste.

Italy was ahead of us in the progress of social refinement.
The courts of Naples, of Ferrara, of Mantua, the palace of the
Medici, already presented models of urbanity, of politeness,
even of elegance. Literature was in honour, the fine arts were
successfully cultivated. But the political situation of Italy, the
wars of which she was the seat, her division into small states,
arrested the progress that would have been accomplished by the
practical arts of life.

The carousals, the tournaments, that took place in France
under Henry II. imparted more brilliancy, more grace, more
nobility to gallantry, and made society more attractive than all
the inspirations of the poets of Italy had done.

The court, during the reign of Henry HI., degraded itself by
adopting the frivolous and shameful habits of the sovereign, and
besides, the sad agitations occasioned by the Reformation pre-
vented the development of the character of the nation.

Henry IV., after all the early storms of his life, separated
from his first wife, and perpetually quarrelling with the second,
had no court. His courage, his vivacity, his happy sallies, his
simple language, gay and brilliant, only exercised a personal
influence on the customs of the nation.

Cardinal de Richelieu, after having attracted the heads of the
great noble families to the court, was anxious to become its
centre of attraction. With this object, he threw open his
house at Rueil to the men and women whose intellectual

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 51

abilities had most struck him. From that time dates the first
social circle, apart from that of the court, which made itself
famous. But the terrible power of the Cardinal detracted much
from its pleasantness. A spark caused the bursting forth of
the transient conflagration known as the Fronde ; this burlesque
war, which had no other aim than to gratify the love of agitation
entertained by its promoters, was hardly more than a social war,
that is, a war between rival social circles.

This chaos ceased with the accession of Louis XIV. He
enforced order ; at his voice all classes, all subjects, assumed
their proper rank, without effort or violence. To this noble
subordination we are indebted for the art of observing propriety
— the elegance of manners and the exquisite politeness, which
are the main characteristics of that splendid reign. By skilfully
combining the aptitudes peculiar to each sex, and causing men
and women to display their natural dispositions to mutual
advantage, society reached a degree of splendour, the most
insignificant details of which Frenchmen will always enjoy to
learn. The salon of Madame de Sevigne is one of the monu-
ments of our glory.

Society under Louis XV., had all the weaknesses of his reign ;
it opened its sanctuary, a few men of letters slipped in. The
effect of this was at first, to improve conversation and literature.

M. de Fontenelle and M. de Montesquieu, M. de Buffon,
President Herault, M. de Mairan, M. de Voltaire, all brought up
under the influence of the century of Louis XIV., kept up in
society that exquisite sense of propriety, that polite and yet free
speech, that noble ease which made the charm and lustre of
Paris gatherings. Such was the standard which one had to observe.

But under the reign of Louis XVI., every class of literature
spread in society. Each writer altered his literary manner,
confusion thus crept in, pretensions grew bold, and the sanctuary
was broken into. As a result of all this, the general spirit of
society underwent all manner of modifications. People wanted
to know everything, to fathom everything, to judge of everything.
Sentiments were replaced by philosophical ideas ; passions, by
the analysis of the human heart ; the wish to please, by opinions ;

amusements, by plans, projects, &c Everything became

E 2

52 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

unnatural. I pause, for fear I might make you feel too strongly
the coming of the French Revolution, from which several years
and many events still separate us.

The quarrel of the English with their colonies had just
broken out.^ Philosophers had sounded the question at issue in
all its depths. They weighed the rights of peoples and of
sovereigns. Old military men were of opinion that this quarrel
was likely to bring war, young men saw something new in it ;
women something of an adventure ; the mean, cavilling and
thoughtless policy of the government made them responsible for
all the excitement caused by these distant events. They had
tolerated, or rather countenanced, the departure of M. dc la
Fayette,^ of M. de Gouvion,^ of M. Duportail.* Only the first of
these names has fame handed down to posterity. When writing a
novel, an author will endow the hero with an enlightened mind
and noble impulses ; fortune does not take so much trouble :
insignificant men often play the leading part in great events,
simply because they happened to be on the spot.

M. de la Fayette comes from a noble family of Auvergne,
not yet rendered illustrious until, under Louis XIV., the wit of a
woman reflected some lustre on this name. He had married a
young lady of the Noailles family, and was himself the owner of

^ The Declaration of Independence of the United States was made on May 4,
1776. The cabinet of Versailles recognized the new republic, and signed a treaty of
alliance with it (February, 1778). The rupture with England took place on the 17th
of the following June.

* Gilbert Motier, Marquis de la Fayette, was born in 1757, at Chavagnac, near
Brioude. At twenty years of age he fought for American independence. Member of
the Assembly of Notables in 17S7 ; deputy to the States-General. On the 15th of
July he was elected Commander-General of the National Guards of the Seine. Out-
lawed after the 20th June, 1792, he was obliged to take to flight, but was arrested by
the Austrians, and remained five years imprisoned at Olmiitz. He played no part
under the Empire. Having been elected a deputy in 18 14, he voted for the deposi-
tion of the emperor. Still a deputy under the Restoration, he al\\ ays sat with the
Opposition. Elected Commander-in-Chief of the National Guards in 1830, he
contributed to the accession of Louis-Philippe. He died in 1834.

^ Jean-Baptiste Gouvion took part in the campaign in America as an officer of
engineers. Greatly attached to la Fayette, he was, in 17S9, appointed Major-General
of the National Guard. Deputy of Paris in 1791, he sent in his resignation in 1792,
and died in action near MauVieuge on the nth of the following June.

* Duportail took part in the campaign of America as an officer of engineers. He
was a colonel in 1783, was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and appointed
Minister of War in 1790. Violently attacked in the Assembly, a writ of accusation
was issued against him on the loth of August. He remained concealed for two years,
at the end of which time he succeeded in reaching America. He was returning to
France in 1802, when he died at sea.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 53

a large fortune. Had not some extraordinary event brought him
to the front, he would have been passed by unnoticed. The quali-
ties of M. de la Fayette were only such as to permit of his waiting
patiently for promotion ; he was beneath the mark at which
a man is reputed sensible and witty. His ambition, and his
efforts to distinguish himself, did not seem his own, but rather
to have been taught him. Whatever he does seems foreign to
his nature ; he always acts as though he followed some one else's
advice. Unfortunately no one will ever boast of having been his
adviser at the most important period of his life.

The example of M. de la Fayette was followed by all the
gilded and dashing youth of the nation. The young members
of the French nobility, who had enlisted for the cause of inde-
pendence, devoted themselves afterwards to the principles in
defence of which they had shed their blood. They had
seen the head of a great State rise from a humble private
position ; they had seen the simple men who seconded him
surrounded by public consideration. From this, it was but
a step to the belief that services rendered to the cause of liberty
are the only true titles to distinction and glory. These ideas,
brought over to France, bore fruit all the quicker because
all the prestige of the ruling classes, attacked by inferior men
who had obtained an introduction to society, were daily
vanishing from sight.

It is probable that I shall revert several times, in the course
of these memoirs, to the considerations upon which, following
too closely the order of the times, I allow myself to dwell at
this point ; for they will surely present themselves, and with a
more direct application, when I shall speak of the first years
of the French Revolution.

Interest in the American cause was kept up in France by
the account of all the deliberations of Congress published
every week in a paper entitled Le Courrier de V Europe. This
paper, the first, I think, of specially political French papers,
was edited by a man who belonged to the police : his name
was Morande ; he was the author of an infamous libel which
bore the title of Le Gazettier Cuirasse}

^ Charles Thevenot de Morande, bom in 1748 at Amay-le-Duc (Cote d'Or), where

54 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Such Frenchmen who had gone to the colonies of America
with mih'tary expeditions came home with magnificent
descriptions of all the wealth that new part of the world
contained. America was the sole topic of conversation. The
peculiarity of the members of the aristocracy, in the time of
my youth, was that everything that was new to them they
believed they had discovered, and were, therefore, all the more
fond of it. '' What should we be without America .-' " was on
everybody's lips. " It gives us a navy," said M. Malouet ; ^ "It
extends our commerce," said Abbe Raynal ;- "It procures
employment for our excess of population," the men in office at
the time were wont to say ; " It is the refuge of all restless
minds," said the members of the government ; " that of all
dissenters," said the philosophers, and so on. . . . No country
seemed more profitable, none better fitted to develop the arts
of peace. The only subject of conversation was the glory
connected with the discovery of America. And yet (for

his father was an attorney. He came to Paris, where his Hfe of dissipation and intrigue
led to his being imprisoned for fifteen months at Fort I'Eveque. * On being set free,
he went to England, and acquired some celebrity as a pamphleteer. His Gazctticr
Ctiirassi, ou Ajiccdotes scandalcuses de la Coiir dc France'\ (1772) caused quite a sen-
sation. He lived by extorting hush-money from various people, especially from
Madame du Barry, who sent Beaumarchais to him to purchase his silence. He edited
afterwards, under the name of Cow-rier de V Europe, a periodical as disgraceful as his
pamphlet. Having returned to France, he was imprisoned after August 10, for holding
anti-revolutionary views ; he managed to escape, however, and died in 1S03.

^ Pierre- Victor, Baron Malouet, born at Kiom in 1740, began life as an attacJie oi
embassy at Lisbonne (1758). He afterwards entered the naval commissariat at
Rochefort (1763) ; became sub-commissary in 1767, and was sent to San Domingo,,
and to Guyana after as commissary-general. Deputy of Riom to the States-General
he voted with the constitutional party ; emigrated in 1792, returned to France in iSoi,
was Prefet maj-iiime at Antwerp (1S01-1807), and Councillor of State (1S10-1S12).
He was minister of marine under the provisory government, and died in the same
year (1S14). Malouet i^ the author of numerous worlds on the navy and the colonies.
He has left most interesting memoirs, which have been puiilished (2 vols. Svo).

- Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, born at Saint-Genicz (Aveyron) in 1 713; took orders,
and came to Paris in 1 747, where he won reputation both as a professor and a preacher.
He eventually gave up his ecclesiastic appointments. He was one of the most darin'^
philosophers of his time. L Histoire pliilcsophiqtte des Indes,X which made his repu-
tation, was burned by the public executioner's hand, and Raynal had to take refuge
abroad. He returned to France in 1788, was elected a member of iht Ins/ihit (1795),
and died in 1796.

* Le For I'Eveque, which some people wrongly spell Fort I'EviJque, was the prison of the Bishop of
Paris. It was situated in the middle of the Kue St. Germain I'Au.xerruis, opposite the For du Roi.
Louis XIV., having united all the private jurisdictions at the Chatelet in 1674, the For I'Eveque
served from that time as a debtors' prison, and was dtstroycd about 1780 — (Tnuislnior.')
t "The Unimpeachable-Gazetteer ; or. Scandalous Anecdotes of the Cuurt of France."
I " A Philosophical History of India." It may be as well to note here that this work excited the
enthusiasm of Bonaparte — then but a subaltern officer — who professed the greatest admiration for its
author. — i^Trajtslator.)

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 55

let us examine things to the bottom) what has been the
result of all our intercourse with the New World ? Do we
see less misery about us ? Do subverters of the social order
no longer exist ? Have not the glances we cast on distant
countries diminished our love for our native land ? Are not wars
more frequent, longer, more widely spread, more costly, through
the fact of England and France having become sensitive and
irritable on other parts of the globe ? The history of mankind
furnishes us with the following sad result : that the spirit of de-
struction quickly repairs to all places with which intercourse has
become easier. When a few Europeans cast themselves upon
America, they at once found that vast continent too narrow
for their ambition, and their interests clashing continually, they
fiercely competed against each other until one of them became
the master. To-day, when a discussion arises between the
captain of a merchant-vessel and a director of the Hudson's
Bay Company, all the States of Europe take up arms in the
quarrel.

I know how much all I have just said is contrary to current
ideas. Voyages around the world make the glory of some
individuals, and even of the governments who order them.
Learned men will not allow any of the discoveries of our
great navigators to be attributed merely to chance ; they
insist that previous knowledge enabled these bold pioneers to
guess, or at least suspect, the existence of the new countries
which enrich our maps. However, they must allow us to point
out, that in our own days, when gravitation has become the
ruling theory, when methods of calculation have reached their
greatest perfection, it has been imagined that, in order to
preserve the equilibrium of the earth, there must be a con-
siderable continent at the antarctic pole; several expeditions,
however, have been directed towards that point, and all their
researches have, so far, proved almost useless. The unfortunate
Louis XVI. held to that idea, and we ought to think it but
natural that he, of all men, should have been induced to seek
afar for other men.

But it seems to me of little interest to us to engage in such
enterprises ; if it be absolutely necessary that they should be

56 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

carried out, we should leave this duty to the new rulers of the
ocean ; it does not concern us.

A correspondence which I close)}- kept up for several years
with M. de Choiseul-Gouffier, then ambassador in Constanti-
nople, and M. Peissonel, consul in the seaports of the Levant,
fully convinced me of the many advantages we might still derive
in our days, by turning our political and commercial views
towards the old world.

When we consider the geographical position of this com-
pound, solid, compact body which is called France, when we
follow its whole coast, we needs must be astonished that it has
not ahvays looked upon the Mediterranean Sea as its own
dom.ain. This basin, the entrance to which is accessible
only through an inlet a few miles wide, is closed in on all
sides by countries possessing little or no shipping. Pos-
sessing in herself, and in Spain, her ally, all the means
afforded by the fine harbours of Toulon and Marseilles, by
Carthagena, and numerous other ports, . . . France can easily
acquire in the Mediterranean whatever degree of superiority she
may wish to possess. The immense advantage that might
result for her from such superiority has hitherto been over-
looked.

A spirit of imitation and a sentiment of rivalrj^ attracted us
to the ocean. It is a remarkable fact that all the schemes for
the naval greatness of France always required the spirit of
opposition to foster them. It has always required the prospect
of having to fight an enemy, or weaken some nation, to excite
our pride, rouse our courage, and develop our industry. I am
sorry to make the statement, but everything indicates that in
man, the power to hate is stronger than that of love to humanity
in general, and even than that of our personal interests. The
idea of greatness and prosperity without jealousy and rivalry is
too abstract for any ordinarj- mind to grasp it : ordinary minds
require some concrete object to which to appl>- their conceptions,
and, so to speak, measure them materiall}'.

In order to palliate srimewhat the sadness of these remarks,
let us attempt a compromise. Might not the natural rivalry
which exists between what is known of the new world and of

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 57

the old, afford a sufficiently large field to the men who are
inclined to mischief? Generous impulses would thus be left
the hope of exciting the industry of the two continents, and of
bringing them mutually to promote each other's happiness
and prosperity.

I feel no restraint in discussing this question, for France is
almost without colonies ; the ties that bound her to her former
possessions are either broken or loosened ; we are thus free to
choose the system which may appear most useful to us.

Have we any greater interest in resuming our former inter-
course with the new world than in seeking new relations with
the old .'' It is important that this political problem be solved.
If it could be proved that farming is easier and not so expensive
in the old world as it is in the new one ; that the produce is
equally good, and that merchant shipping would not suffer by
that new state of things, the solution would be complete.

In the first place, farming is easier, for since the abolition of
the slave-trade, pronounced in England, at the Congress of Vienna
and in the United States, it seems impossible that any people of
Europe should again undertake such infamous traffic, and that
planters should much longer be able to get coloured men,
whose number is growing less every year, to till the soil of the
West Indies and of the equatorial colonies.^ The instruments of
agriculture being no longer the same, the latter must experience
changes, and the bases of calculation upon which the riches of the
American colonies were founded will necessarily become inexact.
The cultivation of the soil in these hot climates being more diffi-
cult and costly, the productions must decrease, and their price be

1 The slave-trade was abolished but very late by modem civilized oations. During
all the eighteenth century, England reserved to itself, by the treaty of Utrecht, the
monopoly of importing negroes to all the Spanish colonies — that is to say, to nearly
all South America. When the English colonies had a proportion of twenty blacks to
one white, it occurred to them to be indignant at the immorality of the traffic, and
one of the first acts of the Union was the prohibition of the importation (1794), which
was even punishable by death (1818). Denmark had preceded them (1792) ; England
followed (1806). At the Congress of Vienna, a declaration was signed by all the
powers, except Spain and Portugal, stating that the slave-trade -was repugnant to the
principles of universal morals ; that it afflicted humanity and degraded Europe ; that,
in consequence, negotiations sliould be opened between all the States to hasten the moment
■when it shotild be abolished cverjnuhere. On his return from the island of Elba,
Napoleon suppressed the slave-trade in all the French colonies, a. decree which was
confirmed by Louis XVIII. For many years after, the slave-trade was to form the
subject of delicate transactions between the cabinets of Europe.

58 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

proportionately increased. None of these inconveniences would
be felt in the old world. In Africa, the instruments are there, they
are numerous, they support themselves. If the soil requires more
cultivation, the unoccupied population is so abundant that it
easily supplies this need. We must no longer compare the work
of blacks in America with that of blacks in Africa. It is white
men in America who will hereafter be employed at labour beyond
their endurance ; to obtain the same products a greater number
will be necessary, and will they have this number ? In Africa
they have them.

The second point of the problem resolves itself equally in
favour of the Mediterranean. All the products of Africa are
good. The sugar of Egypt is hard and grained ; in the process
of refining it becomes as white as that of San Domingo ; and
there is every reason to believe that we could obtain a very fine
quality in the central parts of the regencies of Tunis and of
Algiers. Abyssinia produces coffee which is superior to that of
the West Indies ; if its culture were encouraged by an assured
sale, all the kingdoms and islands of southern Asia would
furnish it in abundance. The beauty of the cotton cultivated in
Africa merely for local needs, proves that it would easily surpass
that of Cayenne, of our other colonies and of the United States
of America. Indigo is cultivated successfully between the 34th
and 35th degrees of latitude, and could be easily obtained in this
latitude in Africa.

It remains then to be seen if it would not be prejudicial to
the great art of navigation, to give to commerce a new direction,
which, at first sight, appears to tend to narrow the domain of
science.

There would be no foundation for any fear in this respect.
One cannot seriously believe that France, with the extent of
coast which she has on the ocean, and the ports which she pos-
sesses, could allow herself to lose or be forbidden her competition
in the navigation of the high seas. This supposition needs not
even be discussed. The ocean, the seas of America and of
India, must always remain open to all nations ; it is the great
school where the art must be preserved and rerfected. The
principles of the great discoveries are fixed ; the development

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 59

of which they are susceptible will necessarily follow. Except
by a frightful revolution of the whole globe, the fruits of so
n:iany efforts, of so much work, of so many centuries, could not
be lost for France, any more than for the rest of the world. It
is not something less than what exists that I demand, it is
something more. While England is so placed as to have greater
advantages than France upon the ocean, France is so situated
as to have greater advantages on the Mediterranean than has
England. From this division, there would result even for com-
mercial peoples, motives of emulation which would tend to
maintain a sort of level between the industries of all civilized
countries.

It is principally to commercial interests that I address myself,
because I am disposed to believe that reason or rather lassitude
will bring about a state of affairs in which so much attention will
no longer be paid to the strength of the navy, and to the means
it affords of securing the upper hand in war. I hope that some
day this will become a secondary point of view, and that the
principal object of a navy will be to foster trade, to increase
comfort, and to contribute to the general prosperity.

However vaguely expressed these ideas may be, and
although they only seerrt confined to a wish, they cannot be
regarded as idle fancies, if we put aside what is too absolute and
arbitrary in them and confine ourselves to considering them as
subject to the obstacles which proceed from those events which
always interfere with the progress of human schemes.

A little good, eagerly grasped, the enjoj^ment of which
is always of short duration, is all human nature can boast of
Thus it suffices that a political view offer some advantage, that
it be in principle conformable to nature, that it present little risk,
little loss, few sacrifices, for it to be regarded as good, and for
men to be able to place hope in it, without fear of being carried
away by their own conceptions.

One would be more encouraged in taking this view, on look-
ing back to the preceding epochs of our history. Thus it would
be seen that in the time of the Crusades Europe was precisely
on the way to these ideas. The commerce of Asia, liberty of
communication with this rich part of the old world, were among

6o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the secret motives of war on the part of the Western Powers
against the Califs of Arabia, against the Soudans of Egypt,
and the Sultans of Nicomedes. Religion served as a pretext for
politics, and politics could gain a glimpse already of the advan-
tages of an exclusive navigation. With some success, prudently
managed, European colonies might soon have been seen forming
on the coasts of Egypt and Syria. And in the wars which would
have been sustained by the jealousies and rivalries of the
confederate princes, France, by her position, would have had
immense advantages that later she was not able to regain in the
struggle caused by the discovery of America. In our days, the
great difficulties of religion having been overcome, commercial
arrangements might further the interests of all the powers of the
East, which by themselves are not essentially maritime powers.
That is why, at a time of my life when I had the power to
do so, I introduced into the treaty of Amiens — as a mere philo-
sophical view, so as to give no umbrage to the powers — a few
provisions having for their object the civilization of the coast of
Africa.^ If the government had followed the matter up ; if, in-
stead of sacrificing all that remained of the fine army of Egypt,
to the vain hope of reconquering San Domingo,- one had
directed against the States of Barbary that imposing and
already acclimatized force, it is probable that my philosoph}-
would have become practical, and that France, instead of having
destroyed in a few months a fine army at San Domingo, would
now be firmly established on the African coast of the Mediter-
ranean, thus sparing us the gigantic and disastrous continental
system.

I ought still to indicate another strong consideration ; it is

1 The treaty of Amiens guaranteed the independence of Malta, its neutrality, and
opened its ports to vessels of all nations. An article excepted from this latter privilege
the ships of the Barbary states, tintil by means of an ari-angcDient procured by the
contractitig parties, the system of hostilities existing betiueen the aforesaid Barbary
States and the order of St. fohn, as well as the Christian poivers, should hai>e ceased.
It is doubtless this latter provision which denoted on the part of its author certain
views on the Mediterranean that he mentions above.

^ Since 1795, the island of San Domingo had been independent under the govern-
ment of Toussaint-Louverture. The First Consul wished to re-occupy it ; his brother-
in-law, General Leclerc, was charged with the exped tion (Februar)', 1802). He was
victorious at first, and took possession of nearly all the island, but sickness decimated
his troops, and he himself died. Afier the breach of the peace of Amiens, the English
seconded the efforts of the blacks. The remnant of our troops w ere obliged to evacuate
the island, which has ^mce remained independent.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 6i

that America has not yet taken her place in the political order,

and that in regard to her, time has not yet furnished its proof. If,

some day, she should become powerful enough to dare to consider

as hers, all the lands grouped about the new continent, what an

advantage would it then be for France to have turned her

attention to the old world I By this means, also, she would have

rendered an essential service to humanity, in preventing,

or at least, in lessening the movement of emigration which is

leading the present generation towards America. The

inclination, almost imperceptible, which draws the European

population towards the new world would have required perhaps

this retrograding force. I am astonished that philosophers have

not taken hold of this great question. It touches, in all its

points, on their principles ; the slave-trade, of itself, ought not

to have led them to it. But since they have neglected it, it

is probable that I am mistaken, and that leads me to believe

that I do not even understand myself very well when I speak of

Philosophers ; I employ this term as some people do Nature when

they have something vague to say, and the suitable expression

is lacking. But, as I often mention the Philosophers, and as I

credit them with and shall credit them with much influence on my

time, I ought, in order to be clear, to explain, once for all, what

I mean by the philosophers of the eighteenth century.

If the philosophers of the eighteenth century had formed a
sect, their doctrine would be easy to understand ; but modern
philosophy has nothing in common with the spirit of a sect. The
atheists and deists, to whom alone this qualification could be
applied, hardly belong to our times. When one endeavours to
fathom the depths of matters, one finds that the secret principle
of all sects is political, and that everywhere they are all born
from a spirit of independence and liberty, which, finding
itself bound by established constitutions, and restricted by
prevailing laws, comes out and breaks forth under forms that
it tries to legitimatize by religion. It is, beyond doubt, the
spirit of opposition to the established government which is the
prime mover in all these new doctrines, which are spread
afterwards with various modifications. All other causes, physical
and moral, are only secondary and accessory.

62 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

In England, where the principle of political liberty is em-
bodied in the constitution of the State, sects are innumerable,
and little dangerous.

In Germany, a country divided into various small states, the
spirit of reformation has been perpetuated since Luther and
Calvin, and might have made great ravages, if the French Revolu-
tion had not alarmed all governments and dispersed inno-
vators ; those who remain, including Madame von Krudener,^
are only ridiculous.

I do not name either Spain or Portugal, because in respect
of philosophy, letters, and science, these two countries have made
no progress since the fifteenth century.

In France, the genius of the exact sciences, by the pride and
the real supremacy it has assumed, has annihilated the spirit of
sect by covering all systems with scorn. The introduction of the
philosophy of Bacon, of Locke and of Newton, completed by
M. de Laplace,- subjected all the devices of imagination to a
test which permitted it to make discoveries, but not to wander
beyond bounds.

The indecisions of IMontaigne, resting his mind on what he
calls those two pillows so soft for a well-made head, ignorance
and heedlessness, prevented him from joining any of the previous
sects, or forming a new one. He discusses all opinions, adopts
none, and intrenches himself behind doubt and indifference.

Almost at the same time, Rabelais, in the attacks of his
railing, cynical and droll humour, had insulted all prejudices
and attacked all beliefs.

It appears to me that there is a great difference between
this style of philosophy, and that of the founders of sects. By
order of date, Montaigne and Rabelais are the oldest of our

^ Julie de Wietinghoff, daughter of a rich Lavonian nobleman ; bom in 1764;
married at eighteen Baron von Knidener, a Russian diplomaiist. Madame von
Knidener had a restless youth. After 1S04, she seemed entirely changed, devoted
to austerities, and to the conversion of sinners. In 1S15, she became acquainted with
the Emperor Alexander, who grew attached to her, and over a\ hom she had a great
ascendency. She wandered afterwards over Switzerland and (Germany, disturbed the
cities by her predictions, and was often persecuted. She returned to Russia in iSiS,
and died in 1S24.

- P. Simon, Marquis de Laplace, born in 1749 at Beaumont-en-x\uge (Calvados),
was at Seventeen years of age Professor of Mathematics. A member of the Institut
from its foundation. Minister of the Interior after the iSlh Brumaire, Senator (1799),
President of the Senate, peer of France (1815). He died in 1827.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 63

French philosophers, but they are not the founders of schools.
Their pyrrhonism threw into ideas a vagueness, an uncertainty,
the results of which make them partly responsible for that
confusion we have seen in the last century. Thus the writers
who have come nearest to them have never pretended to be
the exponents of any doctrine whatever. The disposition to
doubt, and the spirit of sect are diametrically opposed.

The spirit of sect has perhaps less of inconvenience, be-
cause it is less general in its object, and because it takes
possession of but few individuals, and, in France, for a short
time only ; for the frivolity of the nation does not permit any
opinion of this nature to establish a lasting rule. Doubt,
on the contrary, can extend itself to all, and endure a long
time ; it is so convenient that it takes possession of all ; for
is enlightenment ever sufficiently clear for it .-• and its danger
lies in this, being the aim to which one tends ; its advan-
tage, in this being the point of departure. For then one is
afraid of divining too quickly ; one is afraid of simple out-
lines ; intelligence contents itself with examining modestly in
order to arrive slowly at causes : it thus rises by degrees
from one abstract idea to another ; from phenomena to pheno-
mena, from discovery to discovery, and finally from truth to
truth.

This method was not fully understood or faithfully followed
until the eighteenth century, for up to this time France was wholly
Cartesian. The schools, the Academy of Sciences, even Fontenelle
and Mairan, were consistently faithful to Descartes. I remember,
and perhaps I alone, that M. Duval,^ my professor of philosophy
at the Harcourt College, afterwards Rector of the University,
had issued a little pamphlet against Newton ; D'Alembert,^

1 Pierre Duval, born in 1730 at Breaute, a village of Normandy, was at twenty-
two years of age Professor of Philosophy at the Harcourt College, principal of
the same college, and Rector of the University (1777). There are numerous treatises
left by him, in which he endeavours to refuie the philosophical theories of the time,
notably those of Buffon, Rousseau, and Holbach. He died in 1797.

- Jean Lerond d'Alembert was the son of Madame de Tencin and of the Chevalier
Cestouches, officer of artillery. Abandoned at his birth, he was taken and brought up
by a family of working people. His name came from the fact that he was found on the
steps of the church Saint-Jean Lerond, which is now destroyed. He soon made himself
noticed by his love of science, entered the Academy of Sciences in 1744, and the
French Academy in 1754. Closely associated with Voltaire and Diderot, he joined
with them in the publication of the Encydopadia. He died in 1783.

64 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Maupertuis,^ Clairault,- and Voltaire, all four very young, were
the first apostles of the new philosophy. Thanks to them, the
philosophy of Newton, or rather the system of Nature, has
triumphed. Thanks to them once more the philosophy of Bacon
was applied to science and shed the brightest light thereon. This
was the most brilliant side of the philosophy of the eighteenth cen-
tury ; but its glory becomes obscured A^hen one looks upon its
moral influence, and, above all, upon its ravages in moral science.

Voltaire, it seems to me, has perfectly traced the character
and mission of true philosophy.

"Philosophy," said he, "is simple ; she is tranquil, without envy,
without ambition ; she meditates in peace, far from the luxury,
the tumult and the intrigues of the world ; she is indulgent, she
is compassionate ; her pure hand holds the torch which is to
enlighten men ; she never makes use of it to kindle a confla-
gration in any place on earth ; her voice is feeble, but makes
itself heard ; she says, she repeats : ' Worship God, serve kings,
love mankind.' "

The beautiful character of this philosophy is found in all the
writings of Locke, of Montesquieu, and of Cavendish.^ These
true sages, always prudent in their boldness, have constantly
respected, and often strengthened, the eternal foundations on
which the morals of mankind rest. But some of their disciples,
less enlightened, and consequently less circumspect, have, by
dint of researches, shaken all the bases of the social order.

When, in the senate of Rome, they were deliberating on the
punishment merited by the accomplices of Catiline, Cc-esar,
reasoning in the philosophy of the eighteenth century, and pre-
senting abstract principles in order to draw political conclusions

' Morcau de Maupertui;, horn at Saint-Malo in 1698, died in 1759; officer of
(.avalry. He soon left the army for the study, and entered the Academy of Sciences
in 1723. In 1736, he set out on a scienlific expedition to the polar regions. Member
of the French Academy in 1743, he left for lierlin in 1745, wiiere King Frederic
named him President of the Academy. It was there that lie had his famous debates
with Voltaire. They were published in 1S56, under the name of Lijc of Matipcrtuis,
by La Beaumelle, in a small volume, very interesting on account of certain letters
of Frederick's contained in it.

^ Alexis Clairault, born in 1713 at Paris, astronomer and mathematician, entered
the Academy of Sciences at eii^hteen years of age. He died in 1765.

3 Henry Cavendish, illustrious English physician and chemist, born at Nice in
1731, belonged to a younger branch of the family of the Uukes of Devonshire. He
was admitted in 1760 to the Royal Society of London, and, in 1S03, was associate
of the Institute of France. He died in iSic.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 65

from them, descanted at length upon the nature of the soul, and
professed the dogmas of the Epicurean philosophy. Cato and
Cicero arose indignant, and declared to the senate that Cc-esar
was professing a doctrine dangerous to the republic and to man-
kind. Now, this subversive and distressing doctrine that these
great statesmen had the wisdom to discard, has been openly
taught in the last century. Under the pretext of uprooting
superstition, which was falling of itself, and of extinguishing
fanaticism, which inflamed no heads but theirs, Helvetius,^
Condorcet,^ Raynal, Baron von Holbach,^ sometimes with "the
state of nature," sometimes with "perfectibility," ruthlessly broke
all the ties of moral and political order. What madness to pretend
to govern the world with abstract ideas, with analyses, with incom-
plete notions of order and equality, and with a purely metaphysical
morality I We have seen the sad results of these idle fancies.

If such is the necessary outcome of analysis, I would say with
good old La Fontaine to the imprudent philosophers who apply it
to everything : Quittez-moi votre scrpc, instrmnent de donnnage.^

Your analysis may enlighten the mind, but it extinguishes
the heat of the soul ; it dries up all sensitiveness, it withers the
imagination, it spoils the taste. Has not Condillac,"'' your oracle,
himself said, ^'■Nothing is more opposed to good taste than a pJiilo-

^ Claude Adrien Helvetius, born in Paris about 1715, obtained at the age of
tw&nty-three a place as feriiiier •general. He gave himself entirely to philosophy,
and published in 1758 his book L Esprit, condemned at the time by the Pope, the
Sorbonne, and the parhvicnt. His works^fourteen volumes — were published after
his death, which took place in 1771.

2 M. Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, bom in 1743 at Riblemont, near Saint-
Quentin, of a noble family originally from Dauphine. He was received into the
Academy of Sciences at the age of twenty-six. Closely connected with the philoso-
phers, he embraced with ardour the cause of the Revolution. Deputy to the Le;^is-
lative Assembly and to the Convention, he voted with the Girondists. Proscribed on
May 31, 1793, he remained concealed for eight months, but, leaving his retreat, was
arrested and imprisoned. He poisoned himself a few days after in his prison (March,
1794). Condorcet had married Mademoiselle de Grouchy, sister of the Marshal of
the Empire.

^ P. Thiry, Baron von Holbach, celebrated philosopher, was bom in 1723 at Hildes-
heim, in the Palatinate. He came to Paris in his youth, and embraced the most
violent philosophical principles. He preached atheism openly. His best-known
work. The System of Nature, was condemned even by Voltaire and Frederick H. He
died in 1789.

■* Lay aside your sickle, it is a dangerous tool.

^ Etienne Bonnot de Condillac, born in 1715 at Grenoble, of a noble family. He
took orders, but without exercising ecclesiasiical functions ; was preceptor of the child
of the Duke of Parma in 1757 ; member of the French Academy in 1768. Condillac
has left several works, which have made him the head of the sensualist school. He
died in 1 7 So.

VOL. L F

66 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

sophical mind ; tJiis is a truth that I must own." If he had opened
his hand wider, perhaps he would have let fall a few others of
the same kind, which, to-day, contrary to his opinion, are pro-
fessed in our schools.

All that I have just said leads me to think that the peculiar
character of the philosophy of the eighteenth century lies in the
use of analysis ; useful, when applied to physical sciences ; incom-
plete, when applied to moral sciences ; dangerous, when applied
to social order.

Thus in all I have written and in all I shall write, the object
to which the method of analysis shall be applied will point out,
without my being obliged to remark it, whether the name of
philosopher is to be taken in good or in bad part.

The importance which economic philosophers have enjoyed
for nearly thirty }^ears, demands that I should speak of them in
a special manner.

The economists were a section of philosophers solely occu-
pied in drawing from the administration all the means of
amelioration of which they believed the social order was suscep-
tible. They were divided into two classes : the one looked upon
agriculture as the only creator of riches, and treated industrial
labour and commerce as sterile, under the plea that they only
created new forms and changes in the materials produced and
created by agriculture. The doctrine of this first class of
economists is called the doctrine of the nett result, and is set
forth in the Tableau Ecoiiomique} The object of this work is to
show the distribution of the riches produced by agriculture, and
spreading thence into all the arteries of the social body. The
consequences of these doctrines following the circulation of
wealth, end in the theory of taxation, which eventually saddles
agriculture exclusively.

The liberty of commerce is almost the only point upon which
this first class of economists is in harmon}- with the economists
about whom I am going to speak. The latter did not adopt the
division of sterile classes ; they did not look upon the Tableau
Economique as a strict or even sufficient demonstration of the

* The Tableau liconomidue, in which is set forth the pliy^iocratic doctrine, is the
work of the physicinn <"^iiesnay, 1694-1774, founder and head of that school.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 67

phenomena of circulation. They restrict themselves in this re-
pect to some truths of detail. Their great principle is the general
liberty of trade in the most extended sense. As for taxation,
they accept modifications — they are not absolute.

The government rejected the ideas of the economists of
any school whatever ; they preferred known and established
principles. They feared changes which might interfere with the
existing method of taxation, and with the regular flow of the
revenue thus obtained into the royal treasury. Their fear of
some diminution in the revenues of the State was such as to
prevent their risking any means of increasing them. Such short-
sighted and narrow views were necessarily prohibitive.

It was not yet known that a few incontestable principles
of political economy, besides a reasonable use of public
credit, constitute the whole science of financial administration.
Public credit would have diminished the inconvenience which
might have resulted from too strict an application of the principles
of political economy ; the principles of political economy would
have enlightened and moderated the enterprises of public credit.
M. Turgot, in establishing the Discount Bank, appears to have
foreseen the advantages of this beneficial alliance. He grasped
the method which carries the greatest aid to all industries, by
maintaining the price of money at a moderate rate ; but he went
no farther. The modern art of procuring for the State, without
raising taxes, extraordinary levies of money at a low rate,
and of distributing the burden over a succession of years, was
unknown to him, or, if he knew it, perhaps he perceived, in its
application, future difficulties which the French administration,
always too lax and inclined to abuse, might some day render
dangerous. Besides, to borrow continually while paying debts
as constantly, belonged to an order of ideas totally opposed
to the pure doctrine of the economists. For, to issue and repay
loans, requires the temporary use of moneys for that special object
taken from a class of State revenues distinct from the land-
taxes which are intended to meet a permanent and special
expenditure. But, to attain that end, various articles of con-
sumption should be taxed, chiefly those which, belonging to
the comforts of life, are only in use among men who are in

F 2

68 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

luxurious, or at least, well-to-do circumstances. In this class, the
articles I speak of are measured by the resources of each con-
sumer, and if the requirements of the latter become too great, too
imperative, there is reason to believe that comfort would become
more exacting and find compensation in the perfection of
industrial production, the limits of which are unknown ; it is true
that if it were limited, those financial administrations which had
not foreseen it, would be in danger of finding themselves in
trouble.

This prolific subject might lead me a long way, for it is full
of charm for me. It recalls to me all that I learned in the con-
versation and in the memoirs of a man whose true value the
English have acquainted us with. M. Panchaud has said a
thousand times to M. de Calonne, M. de Meilhan, M. Foulon,
M. Louis,^ and myself: " /« t]Le present state of Europe, out of
t/ie two countries, France arid England, that which folloivs exactly
the sinking scheme which I propose will see the end of the other"
These were his own words. England adopted his doctrine, and
so for thirty years has directed all the movements of Europe.
M. Panchaud was an extraordinary man ; he had at once the
most ardent, broad, and vigorous mind, and a perfect judgment.
He had every kind of eloquence. If an equal and abundant
proportion of perceptive and reasoning powers constitute genius,
Panchaud was a man of genius. Of his generosity, candour, and
gaiety, thousands of instances occur to me which it were pleasant
to give here.

But, I must refrain, in order not to interrupt too long the order
of ideas which I had prescribed to myself, and I fear I have
already some cause for reproach for having spoken of the
influence of the philosophers and the economists on the brilliant
and ambitious portion of the clergy, long before I had explained

1 Louis Dominique, called the Baron Louis, was born at Paris, November 13,
1757. He was destined for tlie church, and was counsclior-clerk \r\ par lenient. He
was intimately associated with Talleyrand, whom he assisted as under-deacon at the
Mass of the Federaiiun. He was ap]-.ointed minister to Denmark (1792) ; emigrated
in 1793. Returned to France after the Consulate, he was niatlre des requites to the
Council of State (1S06), Councillor of State (1811), Minister of Finances in 1814,
1815, and, in 1818, Minister of State, member of the Privy Council. In 1S22, he was
deprived of all his posts. As a deputy, he took his seat in the Liberal party. In 1831,
he was again Minister of Finances, %\ as created a peer of France in 1S32, and died in
1837-

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 69

what I meant by philosophers and economists ; so I am
obliged now to ask my readers to recollect what I have said of the
clergy, that it may well be understood what was the kind of spirit
with which all orders of the State, all classes of society, were
more or less, imbued. My remarks on the clergy apply equally
to the magistracy, which, by its great civil prerogatives, has a
direct influence upon all minds. It is constantly in operation ; it
watches every act of life ; it gives security of property and of person;
its power is immense ; consequently, those institutions which are
assailed by the magistracy are as good as destroyed in the minds
of the people. The new ideas took possession of all the youth
in th.e. pai'lemeyit. To defend the royal authority was denounced
as servile obedience. The majority which President d'Aligre ^
preserved for the court was every day diminishing, and was lost
on the occasion of the quarrel between M. de Calonne and
r^I. de Breteuil. Although M. d'Aligre could promise to the
members of parlement who voted with him, the favour of M. de
Miromesnil," Keeper of the Seals ; of M. de Breteuil, Minister of
Paris ; of the queen through M. de Mercy ,^ with whom he was
intimately acquainted, he saw his majority melt away at the
moment that he was at open war with the comptroller-general.
The first time it failed him was on a question which
concerned the queen personally. The counsellors of this
unhappy princess, blinded by their own passion, and wish-
ing to serve hers, had carried before the tribunal, and
given the greatest publicity to an affair known as that of
the necklace, which ought to have been hushed up from the
very beginning.* The decree passed by the parlement of Paris

^ Etienne Francois d'Aligre belonged to an old family of magistrates originally
from Chartres. Frhidefit a niorlier, then first president of the parkmcnt of Paris
(1768). He gave in his resignation in 1780, went to England, then to Brunswick,
where he died in 1798.

- Armand Mue de Miromesnil was born in 1723. First-President of the parle-
ment of Rouen (1755). Keeper of the Seals under Louis XVI., {1774-87). He died
in 1766, on his estate of Miromesnil in Normandy.

^ Fran9ois, Comte de Mercy-Argenteau, belonged to an old family of Lorraine.
He was ambassador of the (jerman empire in France, during the whole of the reign
of Louis XV L From 17S9, Mercy took an active part in bringing about foreign
intervention in favour of the king. He died in 1794. His correspondence with
Marie- Antoinette and Marie Therese has been published,

•* It is well known what this sad affair was, uhich did irreparable injury to the
queen, although she was entirely innocent. The jeweller Boehmer had offered to the
queen a mag.^ificent necklace, worth 1,600,000 francs. She refused to accept it. A

70 THE MEMOIRS OE PRL\CE TALLEYRAND.

ought to have made a profound impression on the queen,
and to have enlightened her as to the character of the
person upon whom she had bestowed her confidence. But
fatality prevented this hard lesson from having the effect one
might have expected ; she did not change her counsellors ;
the Baron de Breteuil and the Archbishop of Toulouse
only gained in power ; and the queen, again allowing
herself to be carried away by the frivolous excitement which
surrounded her, satisfied herself with speaking with scorn of
Abbe Georgel,^ with sharpness of MM. Freteau,^ Louis, Le
Coigneux,^ de Cabre,* and with showing displeasure towards
those who were associated with Madame de Brionne and her
daughters. This petty revenge was extended even to me, and I
experienced some difficulty in obtaining the places to which I
was naturally called. The affection of Madame dc Brionne and her

lady of high birth, but of doubtful morality, Madame de la Motte-Valois wished to
appropriate it. She succeeded in persuading Cardinal de Rohan, who had recently
incurred the displeasure of Marie-Antoinette, that the queen had only refused the
necklace in appearance, and in order to avoid the .scandal of the e.\cessive expense,
but that she would be very grateful if he would secretly facilitate the purchase. The
cardinal, convinced, bought the necklace on credit, and gave it to Madame de la Motte
to give to the queen. Madame de la Motte hastened to sell it in England. The affair
soon got abroad through the complaints of Boehmer who had not been paid. The
cardinal and Madame de la Motte were arrested, and denounced io parleinent, which
acquitted the former and convicted the latter. They worded their verdict in such a
manner as to throw a doubt on the innocence of the queen.

^ Abbe Jean Francois Georgel, born at Bruyeres (Lorraine) in 1731, was at
first Professor of Mathematics at Strasbourg. Cardinal de Kohan took him to Vienna
as secretary of the embassy. On his return, he was appointed vicar-general at
Strasbourg. In the affair of the necklace, he rendered the greatest service to the
cardinal by burning his papers and writing his defence. He v,as himself e.xiled to
Mortagne ; he emigrated in 1793, returned to France in 1799, refused a bishopric, was
named vicar-general of the Vosges. He died in 1813. Abbe Georgel left some
memoirs extending from 1760 to 1810 (Paris 1817, 6 vols., in Svo.).

- Emmanuel Freteau de Saint Just, was born in 1745. Counsellor of farkmeni in
1765. In the affair of the necklace he took the part of the cardinal. He was im-
prisoned after the session of November 17, 17S7. Deputy of the nobility to the States-
General, he embraced the cause of the Third Estate ; he was twice President of the
Assembly. He retired to the country after August 10. Arrested in 1794, he was
guillotined on June 14th.

*" Marquis Lecoigneux de Belabre was received as Counsellor to parlevient in
J 777. He was a descendant of the first president Lecoigneux, who lived at the
commencement of the seventeenth century, and whose son was the celebrated
Bachaumont.

* Abbe Sabatier de Cabre was Secretary of the Embassy at Turin. Minister at
Liege (1769). Charge d'affaires at St. Petersburg. Director of the consulates at the
Ministry of Marine (1782). He was advisory clerk to the parlement. He embraced
with ardour the cause of the Revolution. Arrested under the Reign of Terror, he
escaped the scaffold and died in 1816. He must not be confounded with Abbe
Sabaiier de Castre, a journalist protected by Vergennes, who also played a certain
part in parliamentary affairs (1742-1S17).

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 71

daughters, the Princesse de Carignan and the Princesse Charlotte
of Lorraine, indemnified me largely for all the opposition I
experienced in my career. The beauty of a woman, her noble
pride mingled with the prestige of an illustrious and famous race,
so often near the throne either as enemy or as support, adds a
special charm to the sentiments which she inspires. I thus
remember the time of my disfavour at court with more pleasure
than many of the fortunate circumstances in which I have been
placed in life, and which have left no traces either in my mind
or on my heart. I scarcely recollect that the queen prevented
my profiting by a great act of kindness of Gustavus 1 11.,^ who
had obtained for me a cardinal's hat from Pope Pius VI.- She
told M. de Mercy to advise the court of Vienna to oppose the
nomination of a French cardinal before the promotion of the
crown cardinals? Her wishes were fulfilled, the nomination of
the Pope suspended, and, it is probable that since that time,
my cardinal's hat has passed some j'-ears in French fortresses.

The new spirit introduced into the /ar/i?;;/^';?;' having sown the
seeds of discontent and ambition amongst the members com-
posing this ancient body, intrigue penetrated everywhere. M.
Necker, M. de Calonne, M. de Breteuil, each had their creatures
who defended or attacked the measures of the minister whom
they wished to sustain or overthrow. Each day saw the great
magistracy farther estranged from the royal authority, to
which in the best times of the monarchy, it had been constantly
attached. Even esprit dc corps no longer existed ; the demand of
the States-General, made a little more than a month afterwards, is
a proof of this. An alarming number of scattered opinions which

1 Gustavus III., King of Sweden, son and successor of Adolphus Frederick. Born
in 1746, he mounted the throne in 1771. He was assassinated in a conspiracy
of the nobility, March 16, 1792. He left the throne to liis son, Gustavus IV.

^ Pope Pius VI. gave a cordial reception to the King of Sweden, Gustavus III.,
during a visit which the latter paid to Italy. He sought a means of being particularly
agreeable to him, and accorded him the promise of a cardinal's hat for the Abbe de
Perigord, for whom Gustavus HI. had solicited it. It was entirely a favour, and all
the more remarkable that it was bestowed upnn a Protestant T^r'mz&.—{M. de Bacourt.)

3 The Pope has always reserved the exclusive right of naming the cardinals. Some-
times certain Catholic sovereigns, the King of France, the Emperor of Germany, the
King of Spain, the King of Poland, the Stuarts, had obtained the right of naming, or
rather presenting to the nomination of the Pope, who always sanctioned their choice,
a certain number of cardinals, who were named, in consequence, tiic cardinals of the
crowns. They were assimilated with the other cardinals, and represented their
sovereigns at the papal elections.

72 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

did not always take their stand under the colour of any party,
caused anxiety to the ministry on the registering of each law
that the needs of the State appeared to require.

M. de Calonne braved this state of affairs, and insisted on
bringing before the parlevient a law on a very delicate matter
which required a mass of information which he lacked.

The relative value adopted in gold and silver money in
the recoinage of 1726, was no longer in conformity with the
marketable value of gold and silver metal. A mark of gold
in the ingot, of the same standard as the louis, sold for
more than seven hundred and twenty livres, yet the same
mark of gold made into louis yielded only thirty such coins,
equivalent to seven hundred and twenty livres. It was neces-
sary then to give to gold coin, in its relation to silver coin,
a proportion more nearly approaching the value it had relatively
to silver in the ingot. By the law of 1726, the proportion of
gold to silver was from i to i4xWV to from i to 14I, very
nearly. By the law of which I am now speaking, the propor-
tion of gold to silver was raised to from i to 15-1VV0' or nearly
from I to 15^.

M. de Calonne had adopted with regard to this the
opinion of M. de Madinier, a broker, who was better versed in
commercial transactions, than in the power of management,
which a government ought always to possess when it
deals with money. It must be shown to the public, by
figures, and a long time in advance, that the recoinage is done
in its interests. In important affairs, the reproach of being slow
contents everybody ; it gives to those who make it an air of
superiority, and to those who receive it an air of prudence.
M. de Calonne was right, but his precipitation gave him the
appearance of being wrong. Baron de Breteuil, Foulon, little
Fornier, hawked about memoir after memoir ; Abbe de Vermond ^
gave them to the queen who sent them to the king. The
parlevient, having become an instrument of intrigue, made

^ The Abbe Mathieu de Veniiond was the son of a village surgeon. Bom in 1735,
he was received as doctor in the S'jrbonne in 1757. He attached himself to the
fortunes of the Cardinal de Brienne, was in 1769, sent to Vienna by Choiseul as
reader to the future dauphiness. He managed to obtain the confidence of the
empress and of the archduchess, and gained a great influence over them. He
emigrated in 1790, and died soon after at Vienna.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 73

remonstrances, which showed that there was in this body-
not so much light on these matters, as a disposition to put
obstacles in the way of the comptroller-general. The legal
motive for the recoinage was to reduce the quantity of fine
gold which entered into the composition of pieces of twenty-four
hvrcs Touniois, to a value corresponding to that of a silver
ingot, equivalent to four six-livre pieces.

In the recoinage of 1726, grave faults were committed.
They had badly solved the problem of an exact proportion
between the value of the two metals of which our money is
made (a proportion easy to establish, but difficult to maintain).
The valuation had been fixed at about one-sixth above the
value of the metal. It is true that the greater number of the
Mint directors had lessened this inconvenience, but by means
of a grave fraud, by reducing the standard or the weight to
such a degree that the remedy had become worse than
the evil. Thus, besides the defect of proportion between the
two metals, there was a defect of legal identity between louis
of the same coinage. A new coinage was thus necessary ; but
people did not do M. de Calonne the honour to believe that he
meant to be just. They did not understand the diminution
of weight which the new gold pieces were to undergo, al-
though this was an indispensable condition for the re-estab-
lishment of the proportion between gold and silver, and
although in the change of coins, compensation was allowed
to the owners of the old money. The delivery of the new
louis was to be preceded by the deposit of the louis of the
previous coinage ; the delays for changing were prolonged far
beyond the time necessary for the coinage, and, as a sequel
to so many other financial expedients which were no better, it
was supposed that the real object of the minister was to obtain
the use of funds by a sort of loan from the owners of the old
pieces of gold. Thus, although the proportion adopted by
M. de Calonne was good, it furnished a pretext for censure
which was made use of unscrupulously. He was able to
establish the equilibrium (at least for a time) between two metals
each intended to be recognized as a standard, but without having
acquainted himself with the very intricate calculations which

74 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

justified the reform of the law of 1726, and consequently without
having put himself in a position to reply to all the objections
raised by sceptical or ignorant persons. He achieved his aim,
although he did not deserve all the credit of it.

Louis XVI., encouraged by the opinion of M. de Vergennes,
displayed a very strong will on this occasion. The remonstrances
of \\\& parlevieut were without effect. Madame Adelaide, aunt of
the king, to whom Madame de Narbonne ^ had handed a very
learned memoir on this subject, was not even able to prevent
the exile of Foulon. This unfortunate man was banished to one
of his estates in Anjou, and returned a few years afterwards
only to be one of the first victims of the Revolution.

Unremitting firmness was not in the nature of the king,
and besides he was necessarily discouraged by the want of
harmony existing in his council. Matters became involved ;
public' opinion gained strength ; it openly censured and pro-
tested. Its action was too powerful to be arrested or even
directed ; it was nearing the steps of the throne ; people
already spoke of the ministers as being popular or unpopular, a
new expression which, taken in the revolutionary acceptation,
would have degraded in their own eyes the counsellors of Louis
XIV., who only desired the esteem and consideration of the
king, but which flattered the republican vanity of M. Necker
because it gave him an influence of his own.

Ordinary expedients were exhausted : it was thought that no
more reforms could possibly be made, and yet the expenditure
exceeded the revenue by an enormous sum. The deficit of 1783
was more than eighty millions. M. Necker, whatever he may
have said in his official report, left it on retiring at nearly
seventy millions. Now that the infatuation he had aroused
has subsided, everybody acknowledges this as a fact. The bonds

' Mademoiselle de Chalus, married to the Comte de Narbonne-Lara, brigadier-
general. She was maid-of-honour to Queen Marie Leczinska, and subsequently to
the dauphiness. She was the mother of the Comte de Narbonne, Minister of War in
1 79 1, spoken of above.

- The financial account handed in by Necker was published in January 1781. It
was the first time that " the secret of the finances was placed before the public," which
until then, was ignorant as to its payments to the State, and as to that which the
State expended. Thus the effect was prodigious. Necker, by this stroke of policy,
reconquered public opinion, and regained credit.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 75

of the Receivers-General, that of the treasurers, of the registrars,
which are made use of to make anticipated payments, were
only negotiated at a fearful loss. The portions of the loans
of M. Necker, which did not bear life-annuities, bore promise
of such speedy repayment as to empty the royal treasury.
For, in the year 1786, those repayments amounted to nearly
fifty-three millions, and they were to increase from year to
year until 1 790.

This was no longer a time when the revenues of the State
could be increased by abandoning the fiscal laws to the interpre-
tation of companies, who knew how to extend their application
even to its utmost consequences over property and industry.
The four sous per livre levied by M. de Fleury was too great a
burden for several provinces and was levied with difficulty.
Offices only to be obtained by purchase were declined. The
parlernent was unwilling to register any more loans. The
public funds were falling day by day. The Bourse of Paris
received its impetus from speculations made on behalf of private
establishments. They bought or sold shares of the Bank of
Discount, of the India Company, of the water companies
of Paris, of insurance companies, &c. As usual in times of
calamity, gambling occupied the attention of all. The govern-
ment tried to raise some money by obtaining an Order in
Council authorising the creation of lotteries amounting to
several millions ; but these weak means had limits, and now
they were reached.

M. de Calonne, thwarted in all his operations, attacked on
all sides, sapped by the intrigues of the Archbishop of Tou-
louse, but having still M. de Vergennes and the king on his side,
believed he would be able to overcome all the difficulties which
assailed him by resorting to a new method, the result of which
was not to be devoid of success. He formed the project of
summoning an Assembly of Notables ;^ he hoped, by this un-
expected appeal, to replace the national sanction, the registra-

^ The Assembly of the Notables was a compromise imagined by the minister to
obviate the necessity of convening the States-General. Calonne wished to impose
a land-tax, but, foreseeing the resistance of the parknunt and of the clergy, he
was anxious to find support in the nation. The Assembly met on February 22, at
Versailles, and broke up on the 25th of May.

76 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

tion of th.Q. parleineni, which had been refused him, and to regain
the opinion of the public, before which he was confident he could
appear with advantage.

At the very first sitting of the assembly, he proposed the
formation of provincial assemblies throughout the kingdom, the
suppression of statute-labour, of provincial customs and of several
duties connected with the collection of taxes and disapproved by
public opinion, the reduction of the excise duties on salt, and the
freedom of the corn trade.

He boldly resolved to increase the deficit by the sacrifice of
ten millions on the product of the salt-duties, of twelve millions
on the customs and the duties connected with the collection of
taxes, often millions on the villain-tax, of seven millions to help
the clergy to pay their debts, the principal part of which would be
cancelled by the alienation of the sporting rights, and of the
honorary rights attached to its possession ; and, in addition, by
an expenditure of ten millions to replace the statute-labour, and
of six millions for the encouragement of agriculture, the arts and
commerce. He flattered himself that, as a compensation for so
many advantages, he would easily be allowed to raise or replace
a revenue amounting to from one hundred and ten to one
hundred and twelve millions.

He could already reckon on fifty of them in the regular receipt
of the two-twentieths of the net revenue of all the landed
property in France. The increase of this tax proceeded from
the proposal of M. de Calonne to destroy all the privileges of
corporations or of orders, all exemptions, all personal favours.
He gave to this new tax the name of subvention tc7-ritorialc ;
and said that this would not be a new tax, since the charge for
those who were paying exactly the two-twentieths would not be
increased, and that it was only a matter of suppression of the
abuse of an unjust apportioning and of exemptions which those
who enjoyed them were ready to forego.

He estimated at twenty millions the revenue from the
establishment of the stamp duty.

The infeoffment of domains, and a better administration of
the forests was to yield ten millions.

In order to reimburse these sums at fixed periods, he issued

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 77

an annual loan of twenty-five millions, which was only to be
repaid after fifteen years.

He also submitted retrenchments amounting to fifteen
millions.

This was indeed a vast plan, but it could not be carried out
seeing that the Notables had no power to vote it ; it was im-
posing as a whole ; it presented the advantage of soothing
the apprehensions of all those who had money invested in
the funds, and of adopting by legal means ideas, which, for some
time, had been circulating among the educated classes of
society, and were beginning to penetrate the mass of the
nation.

But M. de Vergennes was dead,^ and the king was the only
and feeble support for a minister who was openly attacking so
many interests.

The clergy were subjected to a tax from which they had hoped
their gratuitous donations had relieved them for ever. They
maintained that, if they did not pay the twentieth under the
name of twentieth, they paid its equivalent under the name of
tenth ; then leaving the question which concerned them, they
attacked the subvention from a general point of view. M. de
Calonne was unfortunately persuaded that the payment of taxes
in kind would prove less difificult than a tax of fifty millions of
money. He has set forth in one of his memoirs that the raising
of taxes in kind is the easiest way to make the division propor-
tional, to abolish arbitration, and to spare the tax-payers the cruel
necessity of paying when there is no harvest. The Archbishop
of Narbonne, the Archbishop of Toulouse, the Archbishop of
Aix, the Archbishop of Bordeaux, all well versed in this question,
of which their tithes had taught them the weak side, showed
that the expenses of this mode of taxation would be very great,
that the difficulties to which it led were enormous, and that the
time required to make a correct classification of lands would
be a loss for the royal treasury.

The opinion of the higher clergy became that of the Notables
and M. de Calonne was beaten upon that point.

One check leads to another, often indeed, to many.

1 February 13, 17S7.

78 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

M. de Montmorin,^ the successor of M. de Vergennes, had as
yet but little credit ; he had no opinion and was afraid even
of being thought to have one. M. de Miromesnil, the Keeper of
the Seals, found that the new enterprise was imprudent, and had
compromised the royal authority ; — the Baron de Breteuil was be-
stirring himself — the Archbishop of Toulouse was still intriguing,
and M. de Calonne, whose position the importance of affairs
still made tenable, and who, at the conference held at the house of
Monsieur,^ had shown a prodigious talent, left the solid ground
on which he had been standing, and no longer sought for means
of defence, except in the intrigues of the court. The Comte
d'Artois sustained his credit with the king ; Madame de Polignac
placed at his disposal all the influence she still enjoyed over
the queen. The poet Lebrun,* at M. de X^audreuil's request,
addressed him in beautiful verse.

All this might have had some influence in ordinary times,
but it was of very little account in such ominous circum-
stances. M. de Calonne no longer spoke to the king with the
same assurance. The Assembly of the Notables had been an
expedient, and he needed an expedient for the Assembly of the
Notables. He had none. When one fears others, and has no
longer complete confidence in one's self, one only makes mistakes.
What ruined him was the interruption of the session during
the Easter vacation. The Notables left Versailles and came
to Paris, where they were received by all circles of society ; the
spirit of opposition they brought with them, strengthened by that
which they found there, seemed to the king to represent the
opinion of imposing numbers ; he was frightened at it. Since

^ The Comte Aimand de Montmorin Saint-Herem, issue of a very old family of
Auvergne, was born in 1745. He was amb.-issador at Madrid. Member of the
Assembly of Notables, 17S7. Secretarj' of State for Foreign Affairs, 17S7. He was
a partisan of the constitutional monarchy. Minister of the ln\.ex\or ad inicrim, 1791,
he resigned all his functions in November of the same year. Arrested on August 20,
1792, he was summoned before the Assembly, which issued against him a writ of
accusation. He perished in the massacres of September.

^ The title given in France to the king's eldest brother.

^ Denis Fcouchard-Lebrun, lyric poet, was born in 1729. He has written
odes, epigrams and elegies, and made him'^elf such a reputation that he was known
under the name of Lebrun Pindar. But his character was not as high as his talent.
After having lived for a long time on a pension from the queen, he joined the
revolutionary party, incited the violation of the tombs of SainlDenis, demanded,
in another ode, the death of Marie- Antoinette, and ended by being the poet-laureate
of the empire. He died in 1807.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 79

the death of M. de Vergennes no one possessed enough
influence over his mind to reassure him. M. de Calonne was
dismissed.

In the long Hst of the ministers of the eighteenth century, I do
not know in what rank, nor by the side of whom, history will
place him ; but this is what I saw of him.

M. de Calonne had a free and brilliant mind, a shrewd and
quick intellect. He spoke and wrote well ; his diction was always
clear and elegant, he had the talent of embellishing what he knew,
and of avoiding the discussion of that which he did not know. The
Comte d'Artois, M. de Vaudreuil, Baron de Talleyrand,^ the Due
de Coigny,- liked in Calonne the forms he had borrowed from them,
and the intellect he made them believe they possessed. M. de
Calonne was susceptible of attachment and fidelity to his friends ;
but, in selecting these, he followed more the dictates of his mind
than of his heart. Dupe of his vanity, he believed in good
faith that he loved the men his vanity had sought. He was ugly,
tall, nimble and well-shaped ; he had an intellectual counte-
nance and a pleasant voice. In order to enter office, he had
compromised or, at least, neglected his reputation. He was
surrounded by worthless people. The public credited him with
sense, but not with morality. When he obtained the post
of comptroller-general, he seemed, in most people's eyes, but the
clever steward of some ruined spendthrift. Great quickness of
mind pleases, but does not inspire confidence ; it is generally
thought that people so gifted display little attention and scorn
advice. Most men like industry and prudence in their ministers.
M. de Calonne was not encouraging in this respect ; in common
with all brilliant minds, he displayed thoughtlessness and pre-
sumption in all he did. This was the salient characteristic of his
nature, or rather of his way of proceeding. I will quote a re-
markable instance of this. M. de Calonne had come to Dam-

1 The Baron Louis de Talleyrand, uncle of the author, born in 1739, was
ambassador to the King of the Two Sicilies in 17S5, and died in 1799. He had
married Mademoiselle Marie-Louise de Saint-Eugene Montigny, niece of de

Calonne. r ^i. • / o\

- Henri De Franquetot, Ducde Coigny, born in 1737. Governor of Choisy (174S),
lieutenant-general (17S0), first equerry to the king since 1771. He emigrated m 1791 ;
became captain-general in Portugal. Returned to France in 1S14, and was appointed
Marshal of France and Governor of the Invalides. He died in 1821.

8o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

pierre/ to visit Madame de Luynes, on the day following that
on which the king had decided to summon an Assembly of the
Notables. He was intoxicated with the success of his report
to the council of ministers. He read it to us, enjoining the
greatest secrecy. This was at the close of the summer of 1786.
A week before February 22, 17S7, the very day of the
opening of the Assembly, he wrote me a note, in which he
pressed me to go and spend the week with him at Versailles,
to assist him in revising some of the memorandums which he
was to submit to the Assembly. He added that I should find
all the material necessary to elucidate the points I should under-
take to treat. He had written a similar letter to M. de la
Galaiziere,- to M. Dupont de Nemours, to M. de Saint-Genis, to
M. Gerbier,* and to M. de Cormerey. We found ourselves all,
on the same morning, in the study of M. Calonne, who handed
us bundles of papers relative to each of the questions which we
were to treat. From these we were to draft all the memorandums
and bills, which were to be printed and submitted to the dis-
cussion of the Assembly eight days later. Thus, on February 14,
not a line of this work had yet been written. We divided among
us this immense labour. I took upon myself the memorandum
and bill on corn ; I wrote them both without assistance. I worked
with M. de Saint-Genis on the memoir relative to the payment of
the debts of the clergy, and with M. de la Galaiziere on that con-
cerning statute labour. M. de Cormerey drew up the whole project
relative to the abolition of the barriers.'' Gerbier wrote paragraphs
on all questions. My friend Dupont, who believed great good
was to be accomplished, applied all his imagination, mind and
heart, to the questions which came nearest to his views. We

* Dampierre, village of Seine-et-Oise on the Yvette, at some distance from Ram-
bouillet. The chateau built by Mansart for the Due de Lorraine, became afterwards
the property of the de Luynes family.

" The Marquis Chaumont de la Galaiziere, born in 1697, was Intendant of
Soissons, and Chancellor of Lorraine (1737). Councillor of State in 1766, mem-
ber of the Royal Council of Finances (1776J. He died in 17S7.

^ Pierre Gerbier, a celebrated counsel to the parlenient of Paris. He was born
at Rennes in 1725. He was one of the few counsels who consented to plead before
the commission instituted by Maupeou, during the interregnum of the parUment.
He was nevertheless elected staff-bearer of his order in 1787. He died in the
following year.

* These were internal cusionis which Calonne wished to do away with, and to
restrict to the frontiers.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 8i

thus accomplished, in a week, with tolerable success, a task
which the presumption and heedlessness of M. de Calonne had
led him to neglect for five months.

The king, compromising with himself, had been weak enough
to abandon his minister, but was more desirous than ever to carry-
out the projects which had been brought before the Notables, and
he sought to find as a successor to M. de Calonne, a man whose
own opinion would lead him to follow the plans proposed.

M. de Fourqueux^ seemed the most suitable in this respect.
His great simplicity, his ideas, his freedom from all intrigue, and
his good reputation pleased the king. But his assent had to be
obtained. M. de Calonne, who preferred him to any one else, and
who feared that the choice of the king might eventually fall on
the Archbishop of Toulouse, wrote to M. de Fourqueux. He
instructed M. Dupont, who had had, through M. Turgot, M. de
Gournay, and M. de Trudaine,^ former relations with M. de
Fourqueux, to carry the letter to him.

I only mention this insignificant detail because it led to a
rather entertaining scene. While M. de Calonne was gathering up
all the papers, which he foresaw he might need if his administra-
tion were attacked, his particular friends were awaiting him in
the large drawing-room of the comptroller-general, where they
were meeting perhaps for the last time. They had been there
a long while .... no one spoke .... it was eleven o'clock
in the evening .... the door opens .... Dupont enters pre-
cipitately and shouts in great excitement : " Victory ! victory !
Mcsdames . . ." Everybody rises and surrounds him, whilst he
repeats : " Victory ! M. de Fourqueux accepts, and he will follow all
the plans of M. de Calonne. . . ." The astonishment caused by
this kind of victory, on Madame de Chabannes^ Madame de

1 Michel Bouvard de Fourqueux, Counsellor of parlancnt (173S), Attorney-
General of the Court of Accounts (1769), Councillor of State (1769), Intcndant of
Finances. He was for a short time comptroller-general in 17S7.

- Ch. de Trudaine de Montigny, born in 1733, was Intendant-General of Finances
(1763). He declined the office of comptroller-general, and died in 1777. He had
by his marriage with Mademoiselle Fourqueux, two sons who were guillotined in

1794-

' Marie-Elizabeth de Talleyrand, daughter of Daniel-Mane de Talleyrand, and

aunt of the auihor. She married, in 1759, the Comte Charles de Chabannes La

Palisse, colonel of grenadiers. She was lady-of-honour to Madame*

* The title criven to the king's sister, to his brother's wife, and to his daughters ; that of
Madcinoisflle being reserved to the king's grand-daughters. — {^Translator.)

VOL. L G

82 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Laval, Madame de Robecq, and Madame d'Harvelay, greatly
scandalized Dupont, who loved M. de Calonne on account of the
provincial assemblies, and who did not know that these ladies
loved the provincial assemblies on account of M. de Calonne.
Vcsmeranges,^ who was also waiting, and who cared little, cither
for the provincial assemblies or for M. de Calonne, but who
felt the greatest respect for the comptroller-general, left im-
mediately for Paris, in order to prepare, ahead of everybody
else, the speculations which the nomination of M. de Fourqueux
was likely to render advantageous.

This new ministry was of short duration. ]\I. de Fourqueux
soon grew discouraged, and the queen, at last, obtained the
nomination of the Archbishop of Toulouse, whose mind and
character were not on a level with the circumstances in which
France was now placed.

On entering office the latter made sacrifices to public opinion,
v/hich, encountering only weakness, became each day more
exacting. Nothing could be obtained from the Assembly of
the Notables, but complaints and the advice to convoke the
States-General, and, in truth, I do not see how the Notables
could have done otherwise than as they did. AH concession
on their part would have been useless, because they were really
without power to act ; and, had they done so, they would only
have made themselves odious to no purpose.

It was therefore a great mistake to have summoned them,
v/ithout being previously sure of directing their deliberations.
For the competence of the parlcmcnts having been called into
question, or rather their incompetence being implicitly pro-
claimed by the mere fact of convening the Notables, they were
henceforth powerless. Thus they refused to do what was
asked of them, alleging that they had not the right to do so.
Their refusal was punished by exile, which made them popu-
lar ; they were recalled soon after, w^hich making them
feel their importance more, could but induce them to avoid
compromising it. All these measures having served only to
show the limits of royal authority, without being of any assistance

' M. de Vesmeranges was intendant of the stations, relays, and post-houses of
France.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 83

to it, there only remained the alternative of being self-
sufficient, asking sacrifices from no one— which the deficit in
the treasury rendered it impossible to do — or of convoking the
States-General. The struggle of the Archbishop of Toulouse
with the parlements was of sufficient interest to induce me to
relate it in all its details, in the second part of these recollec-
tions, which I have specially devoted to it, and in which the Due
d'Orleans, whose political life was closely connected with the
parliamentary opposition of this period, plays a leading part.

None of the operations of the Archbishop of Toulouse suc-
ceeded ; the influence which he had used to overthrow M. de
Calonne was entirely his own. Although he deprived M. de
Calonne of the bhie riband ;^ although he obtained for himself a
cardinal's hat, the archbishopric of Sens, the abbey of Corbie ;
although he made his brother Minister of War,^ neither fear nor
favour gave him a single supporter. Home opposition was
becoming stronger, the foreign policy of France was annihilated ;
Holland, so easy to defend, had just been abandoned.^ The royal
treasury was empty, the throne was deserted ; the diminution of
the royal power was the reigning passion of the moment ; every
subject considered himself too much governed ; yet, it is probable
that at no other period in our history, were people subjected
to a milder rule, and never did they, individually and collectively,
so much trespass beyond proper bounds.

The political existence of every nation depends essentially
upon the strict observance of the duties imposed upon each
individual. If, at the same moment, all these duties cease to
be performed, social disorder ensues. This was the position of
France when the Archbishop of Sens left the ministry.

1 That of the order of the Holy Ghost {ordre du Saint-Esprit), the highest order
of chivalry under the old monarchy. — {Translator.)

2 Louis Marie de hrienne, born in 1730, Lieutenant-Genera], Minister of War
(1787-17SS). He was guillotined May 10, 1794, with his two sons and Madame de
Canisy, his daughter.

3 Holland had re-established the stadtholdership in 1747, in the person of the
Prince of Orange ; his tyranny irritated all parties, and in 17S4, the states deprived
him of the greater part of his authority. The prince, supported by a fraction of the
nobility and of the populace, called England and Prussia to his aid. The states
claimed the intervention of France, which had not failed them in 1785, after their
quarrel with the emperor. But the Cardinal de Brienne did not dare to assemble an
army on the frontier. The Dutch were crushed by the Prussian army, and delivered
to the fury of the victorious faction (September, 1787).

G 2

S4 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

The Protestants were stirring themselves and manifested
alarming confidence in M. Necker.

All classes were ready to embrace enthusiastically the new
ideas. All the men who had been to college or to an academy,
looked upon the application of what they had learned or read
there, as conquests to be made by the human mind. Each
state wished to be regenerated.

The clergy, who ought to be as immovable as dogmas, had
been the first to propose great innovations. They had requested
the king to convene the States-General.

The pays dctats'^ only saw in their treaties of union with
France, a means of opposing all the general measures pro-
posed by the government.

The /'(2r/fc'7«^';//i- seditiously abdicated the power which they
had exercised for centuries, and called from every direction for
representatives of the nation.

The administration itself, which until then had cherished the
honour of being appointed by the king to represent him, now
found its obedience humiliating, and wished to be independent.

Thus, all the bodies of the State were diverging from their
first destination, each one had broken its bonds, and had entered
on a declivity which, deprived as they were of experience, light
and support, must necessarily draw them into the precipice ;
therefore, from this time everything presents the character of
fatality.

Affairs were in this state when, in spite of his personal re-
pugnance, the king felt obliged to recall M. Necker, who, by
works flattering prevailing ideas, and published at carefully
studied intervals, had managed to keep constantly the attention
of the public upon him.^ He might, perhaps, in ordinary times
have worked some good ; I do not know, personally I do not
believe it, but I am sure, that, in 17SS, the king could not have

^ Certain pays ductals, Brittany for instance, at the time of their union with France
had made some formal reservations, and exacted the maintenance of all their rights
and privileges.

^ Necker resumed the direction of public affairs on August 25, 17SS. During his
retirement he had published a new report on the finances, which appeared in 17S4,
under the name o{ Administration dcs Finances (3 vols. Svo.), of wl.ich he sold nearly
80,000 copies. He had also published his correspondence with M. de Calonne (1787,
4M

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 85

made a worse choice. At the time of a purely national crisis, to
put at the head of affairs a foreigner, a commoner from a little
republic, professing a religion which was not that of the majority
of the nation, only endowed with moderate talents, full of himself,
surrounded by flatterers, without personal consistency, and con-
sequently needing to please the people, was indeed to place one's
trust in a man who could only overcome the difficulties of the
situation, and that badly, by summoning a meeting of the
States-General. It had been shown in every possible way that
the latter were dreaded, yet the only reason which made them
dreaded was ignored. The nature of the danger had been mis-
understood ; therefore nothing was done to prevent it, and, on
the contrary, it was made inevitable.

The States-General were composed of deputations of the
three orders of the State, so that no one was, or could be, a
member except by election. All that could be hoped or feared
was consequently subject to the result of the elections, which
itself depended upon the method according to which they should
be carried on.

It was evident that a coalition of the three orders against the
throne was a thing morally impossible ; that if it were attacked
it could not be by the first order nor by the second, nor as long
as these two existed ; but by the third, after it should have anni-
hilated the two others, and that its first blows should be directed
acrainst these. It was equally evident that the first and second
orders having nothing to gain over the third, had consequently no
interest in attacking it, and could have no desire to do so, while
the third, being very differently situated with regard to the two
others, was naturally the only one to be feared and against
which it was necessary to be forearmed. In this state of affairs,
the only end to secure was the preservation of legitimate rights,
and it was evident this could not be attained except by propor-
tionino- the force of resistance of the first two orders to the force
of aggression of the third, and that it was necessary that the
former should be made as great and the latter as feeble as
possible.

There were two methods for this.

The number of deputies from each order might be so fixed

86 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND,

that the most important members of this order in rank and
fortune should suffice to fill the deputation, and the right to elect
or the right of being elected might be so restricted that the choice
should, of necessity, fall upon them. In this way, there were
reasons to believe that, in the deputations of the first two orders,
class-feeling would not be weakened by any opposition ; that the
deputation of one would feel as interested in defending that of
the other as its own ; that, in case of attack, the aggressors could
have no secret intellirence in their ranks nor find there auxili-
aries ; and, that in the deputations of the third order, the fear of
losing, outweighing the desire of acquisition, would cause the
spirit of preservation to prevail over that of domination.

It still remained (and this would have been the best plan) to
substitute for the first two orders a peerage composed of
members of the episcopacy and of heads of noble families of
the oldest nobility, greatest wealth and lustre, and hmit the
election to the third order which would have formed a separate
assembly.

Many people, after the Revolution broke out, sought a
method by which it might have been averted, and, with
this object, they imagined various remedies corresponding with
the causes to which they ascribed it ; but, at about the time
when the Revolution broke forth, it could only be prevented
by one of the two methods I have just indicated.

M. Necker adopted neither the one nor the other. He fixed
the number of deputies in such a manner that each of the first
two orders was to elect three hundred members, which was far
too many to avoid the necessity of extending the choice to the
inferior ranks which it was advisable to exclude.^

On the other hand, almost unlimited latitude was left as to
the right to elect or to be elected, which put the higher clergy
and nobility in the minority, in the deputation of their order ;
and caused the third order to be composed almost exclusively
of barristers — a class of men, whose method of thinking, neces-
sarily resulting from their profession, render them generally very
dangerous. But the greatest of all mistakes was to authorise the

^ The States-General were composed of 1,145 deputies — 291 for the clergy, 270 for
the nobility, and 5S4 for the Third Eblate.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 87

third order to itself elect as many deputies as the other two
together. As this concession could only be useful to it in the
case of a fusion of the three orders into a single body, it could
not have been done without presupposing this fusion, and con-
senting implicitly to it. The attempts the third estate would
make to obtain the fusion were thus rendered legitimate before-
hand, its chances of success increased, and absolute prepon-
derance in the body in which the three orders were to be blended
was assured to it.

There was in M. Necker a something which prevented his
foreseeing and therefore of fearing the results of his own
measures. He persuaded himself that he possessed an all-
powerful influence over the States-General, that the members
of the third order, above all, would listen to him as to an
oracle, would only see with his eyes, would do nothing except
by his advice, and would not use, against his will, the weapons
he had put into their hands. An illusion which was to be of
short duration. Precipitated from the height where his vanity
alone had placed him, and from which he flattered himself that
he ruled events, he had to lament in retirement the evils he
had not wished to cause, and to deplore the excesses which
horrified his probity, but which, had he been more skilful and
less presumptuous, he might have spared France and the

world.

His presumption rendered him absolutely incapable of seeing
that the movement then taking place in France, was the result
of a passion, or rather of the errors of a passion, common
to all men, vanity. In the majority of nations it exists only in a
subordinate form, and only constitutes one shade of the national
character, or else it is apparent only in a single object, while
with the French, as formerly with the Gauls, their ancestors, it
mingles with all, it rules in everything with an individual and
collective energy which makes it capable of the greatest ex-
cesses.

In the French Revolution, this passion did not figure alone ;
it awakened others which it called to its assistance, but these
remained subordinate; they took its colour and spirit, acted
in accordance with it and to further its ends. It so far gave the

88 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

impulse to and directed the movement of the French Revolution,
that one may really say this great event was born of vanity.

Directed towards a certain aim, and confined to certain
limits, the passion of which I speak, binds subjects to the
State; it animates and vivifies it; it then takes the name of
patriotism, emulation, love of glory. By itself, and apart from
its direction towards a determined end, it is only the desire for
pre-eminence. One can desire pre-eminence for his country ;
one can desire it for a body of which one is a member, one can
desire it for one's self,and,in this case, one may desire to obtain it in
a single thing or in several, in the sphere where one is placed or
outside of that sphere. One can, in short, but not without mad-
ness, desire to have it in everything and over all. If circum-
stances are such that, with the generality of the members of
a State, this desire bear upon social distinctions, the inevitable
consequence will be that the greater number will wish only for
those titles of distinction that each of them may flatter himself
that he has, or has acquired, to the exclusion of all those
which by their nature can only be the privilege of a very small
number ; thus from the desire for pre-eminence will proceed
the spirit of political equality. This is precisely what happened
in France just before the Revolution. As revoliLtionarily set
forth by Abbe Sieyes,^ in his essay on privileges, it was a
natural and necessary consequence of the situation in which
France then was.

^ Emmanuel Joseph Sieyes was boni at Frejus in 174S. He took orders, and was
vicar-general at Rennes, played a certain part in the philosopllical movement, and
became acquainted with all the writers of the time. He was a member of the pro-
vincial nssembly of Orleans. In 1789, he published his celebrated pamphlet, What
is the Third Estate ? of which 30,000 copies were sold in a few days. Deputy of
Paris, he became one of the most influential members of the Third Estate. He was
elected president (June, 1790); member of the administration of the Department of
Paris (February, 1791). He declined at ihit time the archbishopric of Paris. In
1792, he was elected to the Cnnvenlion, of which he became president. He voted for
the death of the king. He held aloof durinc; the Reign of Terror, was appointed,
in I795i ^ member of the Council of the Five Hundred, and sent as minister to
Berbn, in 179S. He entered the Directory (1799), and became the licad of it. He
attached himself to Donaparte, and prepared \iith him the coup d'l'tat of the iSth
Bruniairc Provisory consul, he presented his famous constitutional project, was
replaced by Cambacc'res, and entered the Senate. He was, in 1S14, one of the
promoters of the downfall of the emperor, was created pef-r of France daring the
Hundred Days, and was exiled in 1S16. He returned to France in 1830, and died in
1836. He had entered the Institut in 1795. Member of the French Academy in
1804, his name was cancelled from the list of this learned body in 1816.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 89

The State, although nominally divided into three orders, was
really so only into two classes — the nobles and the plebeians ;
a portion of the clergy belonged to the first, and the rest to
the second of these two classes.

All pre-eminence in social order is founded on one of these
four things — power, birth, riches, and personal merit.

After the ministry of Cardinal de Richelieu and under
Louis XIV., all the political power became concentrated in the
hands of the monarch, and the orders of the State no long-er
possessed any.

Industry and commerce gave riches to the plebeian class,
which developed all sorts of merit.

Only one title of pre-eminence thus remained : birth.

But, as nobility had been conferred for a long time on the
purchasers of venal offices, birth itself could be obtained for
money, thus lowering it to the level of riches.

The nobles themselves lowered it still more, by taking as
wives the daughters of enriched parvcmLs, rather than poor girls
of noble blood. Nobility could not fall below riches, without
poverty degrading it ; and the greater number of noble families
were relatively or absolutely poor. Degraded by poverty, it
was still more so by riches, when it had, as it were, sacrificed
itself to them by these misalliances.

In the Church and episcopacy, the most lucrative dignities
had become the almost exclusive portion of the aristocracy.
In this respect, the principles constantly followed by Louis XIV.
had been abandoned. The plebeian, that is to say by far the
most numerous section of the clergy, was therefore interested
in seeing: that, in its order, not only merit should always prevail
over birtn, but even that birth should count for nothing. In the
noble class, there was no fixed hierarchy : the titles which ought
to have served to indicate the rank had no constant value.

Instead of one nobility, there were seven or eight ; that of
the sword, and that of the magistracy, of the court, and the pro-
vincial nobility, the ancient and the recent nobility, the higher and
lesser nobility. Each of these pretended to be superior to the
others, which themselves claimed to be its equals. Beside these
pretensions, the plebeian raised his own claims, almost equal to

90 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

those of the simple gentleman seeing how easily he could obtain
this title. Often quite superior to a gentleman in wealth and
talents, the plebeian did not believe himself inferior to the nobles
whom the simple gentleman considered as his equal.

The nobles no longer inhabited their feudal towers ; war was
no longer their sole occupation. They no longer lived ex-
clusively with nobles like themselves, with their men-at-arms,
or with the tenants of their estates. Another style of life had
given them other tastes, and these tastes other needs. Often
unoccupied, and making pleasure their only business, everything
which was a resource against weariness, all that added to their
enjoyment, became necessary to them. The plebeian, rich and
enlightened, being no longer dependent upon them, having indeed
no need of them, I have already said so, lived with them as with
his equals.

When I spoke of the upper French society at the time of the
Revolution, my object was to make known all the heterogeneous
elements of which it was then composed, and to point out the
results which such inconsistency of manners must necessarily
bring about. I have reached the time when love of equality
began to manifest itself without fear and with open face.

In polished times, the culture of letters, of the sciences, and of
the fine arts, constitutes professions followed by men who
generally belong, by their personal merit, to all that is most
elevated ; and, by their birth or fortune to all that is most inferior
in civil society. A secret instinct must induce them to raise the
advantages they possess to the level of, if not above, those of
which they are deprived. Besides, their aim is, in general, to secure
celebrity. The first condition for this is to please and to interest,
to succeed in which there is no safer way for them than to flatter
the ruling tastes and the prevailing opinions, which they
strengthen by flattering. Manners and public opinion tended to
equality ; thus these men became its apostles.

While there were few other riches than landed property,
and this was in the hands of the nobility, while industry and
commerce were the callings of inferior men, the nobles scorned
them, and, because they had once scorned them, they believed it
their right and even their duty to scorn them always (even when

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 91

relating themselves by marriage, which it shocked them to do,
with the men who followed those callings), and by this, they
incensed the pride of the plebeian class, who felt that one could
not scorn their industry without scorning themselves.

From among the ruins of its former existence, the nobility had
preserv^ed certain privileges, which, in their origin, were only a
compensation for charges which they alone supported, but
which they had ceased to support. When the cause existed no
longer, these privileges appeared unjust ; but their injustice was
not that which made them most odious, it was rather by reason
of the fact that not on the quota but on the form of the tax, they
established a distinction in which the plebeian class saw less a
favour to the nobles than a slight to itself.

These sentiments in the plebeian class proceeded from the
spirit of equality, and served to encourage it. He who would not
be considered as an inferior, either claims or aspires to be treated
on a footing of equality.

I ought to say besides, that that portion of the army so impru-
dently sent to the aid of the English colonies struggling against
their mother-country, was imbued in the New World with the
doctrines of equality. It returned full of admiration for these
doctrines and perhaps with the desire also to put them into
practice in France ; and, by a sort of fatality, it was even this very
time that Marshal de Segur ^ chose for reserving for the nobles
all the officers' promotions in the army. A host of articles ap-
peared denouncing the measure which closed to all who were not
nobles, a career in which Fabert - Chevert,^ Catinat,"* and others,

^ Philippe Henry, Marquis de Segur, belonged to an old family of Guyenne.
Born in 1724, he entered the army at fifteen, was badly wounded at Raucoux, and at
Lawfeld ; lieutenant-general (1760) ; wounded again at Clostercamp. Governor of
Franche-Comte (1775), Minister of War (1780-1787), Marshal of France (1783).
Imprisoned under the Reign of Terror, he escaped death. In rSoo, he received a
pension from the First Consul, who treated him with all the honours due to his high
dignity. He died in iSoi.

- Abraham Fabert issued from a Lorraine family. He entered the army, and took
part in all the campaigns of his time. He became Marshal of France in 1654, and
died in 1662.

* Fran9ois de Chevert, born in 1695 at Verdun. He enlisted at nine years of age ;
at eleven he was appointed lieutenant in the regiment of Came, lieutenant-colonel in
the campaign of Bohemia, where he made his name illustrious by the taking of Prague,
find later, in defending this city. Brigadier-general (i744). lieutenant-general (1748),
Grand Cross of the Order of St. Louis. He died in 1769.

^ Nicolas de Calinat de la Fauconnerie, born in 1637. He left the study of the

92 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

plebeians like themselves, had covered themselves with glory.
The lucrative professions being forbidden to the poor nobility,
it had been thought advisable to offer them this compensation.
Only this side of the question had been considered. But this
measure, substituting evidently birth for personal merit, in what
was the proper domain of merit, offended both reason and public
opinion. For, in order to indemnify the nobles for the loss of
advantages which the plebeian class already looked upon as a
prejudice humiliating to them, on the latter were inflicted an in-
justice and an affront. This measure completed the estrange-
ment of the troops already disaffected by the introduction of a
foreign discipline which exposed them to a treatment, which,
from the earliest times had been considered in France, as
ignominious.^ It seemed as though it were wished not to be able
to depend on our brave soldiers at the time of the greatest
danger, and, in fact, their assistance failed when it was most
needed.

Thus all tended to injure the noble class : that which had been
taken from it, and that which had been left to it, the poverty of
some of its members, the wealth of the others, their vices and
even their virtues.

But all this, as I have said before, when speaking of the
second ministry of M. Necker, was the work of the government,
at least as much as the result of the general evolution of human
things. It was not the work of the plebeian class, which
merely profited by it. Equality had come, so to say, to meet the
plebeians. To resist its advances would have required in the
greater mass of men, a moderation and foresight of which but
few privileged individuals are capable.

Equality once established between the two classes by new
manners and accepted by public opinion, could not fail to be

law for the army. He became lieutenant-general in i6S8. In the following year lie
conducteH, in Savoy and Piedmont, a camjiaign which has remained famous (victories
of Staffarde and of Marsaille). Marshal of France (1699). Minister Plenipotentiary
at Turin (1695). Again at the head of the army of Laly (1701), he commanded
afterwards in Alsace, and died in 17 12.

^ Lieutenant-Generai Comte de Saint-Germain, having been called to the Ministry
of War, tried to re-establish discipline in the army. Dut he wished to introduce into
P'rance the corporal punishments in vogue v.dth the Germans and the English. Public
opinion wa-S aroused against this innovation, and the Comte de Saint-Germain lost all
the favour he commanded when he took office (1775).

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 93

established by law as soon as the occasion should present
itself.

At the very opening of the States-General, the deputation
of the third order began the attack against the two others. Its
leaders were men, who did not belong to the Third Estate, but
had joined it out of spite at a disappointed ambition, or from the
desire to open, by means of popularity, a road to fortune. They
might perhaps have been easily led ; the need of it was not felt
until success would no longer have been of any use.

Whoever is called upon to join any public body, should
prove his fitness to become a member of it and produce the
titles which justify his appointment. But to whom should he
prove it .-• Evidently to those whose interest it is that no one
should introduce himself into this body by means of sham or
incomplete titles, and who have no interests contrary to those of
that body, if it be already formed ; and, if it be not, to those
of the majority of the members who are appointed to form
it, and to none other. Reason says this, and the policy
of all peoples has been at all times consonant with this
principle.

The deputation of the third order, however, claimed that
the members of each deputation ought to prove their competency
before the three orders, and that to effect this they should as-
semble in the same hall ; in other terms, that they should verify
their qualifications in common. This pretension once admitted,
this order would have said to the other two deputations : By
admitting the consequence, }'OU have necessarily admitted the
principle, and this verification of powers supposes that the three
deputations form but a single body ; a single body admits only
of deliberation in common, and of individual vote ; the three
deputations forming but a single body, there are no more orders,
for orders cannot exist except as separate and distinct bodies :
where there are no longer orders, the titles and privileges which
constitute them must cease. This is what this deputation wished
to achieve, but, not daring to proceed openly, it took a round-
about way.

Without foreseeing, perhaps, all the consequences of its pre-
tension, or denying them, it insisted ; and, while discussing and

THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

deliberating, it proclaimed itself a National Assembly,^ repre-
senting thus, iniplicitly, the two other deputations as simple
conventicles, and pointing them to popular hatred as foreign
to the nation and as being its enemies.

I was a member of the deputation of the order of the clergy.
My opinion was that the States-General should be dissolved ;
but that, being obliged to take things as they were, they should
be convoked anew, according to one of the plans I have indicated
above. I submitted this advice to the Comte d'Artois, who was
then displaying kindness, and, — if I may dare to quote one of the
expressions he made use of, — even friendship towards me. My
advice was thought too risky ; it was an act of force, and there
was no one about the king to wield force. I had, in the evening,
several interviews at Marly, all of which proved useless, and
convinced me that I could be of no service, and that, in this
case, it would be folly to think of anything but self^

The composition of the States-General evidently reducing
the two first orders to mere ciphers, there remained but one
reasonable course to take, it was to yield without being forced to
do so, and while there would still be some credit in doing it.
This might prevent matters being carried to extremes ; it com-
pelled the third order to be circumspect, and enabled the other
two orders to retain some influence over the common deliber-
ations, and to gain time, which often means to gain everything ;
and if there was still a chance to recover lost ground, this was
the only one. I did not hesitate, therefore, to join the men who
set this example.

The struggle became prolonged, the king intervened as
mediator, but failed. He ordered the deputation of the third
estate to separate, and is not obeyed ; so as to prevent their
meeting, the hall in which they held their sittings is closed. They
meet in a tennis hall, and take oath not to separate until they
have made a constitution, that is to say until they have destroyed
that of the kingdom.^ Then it occurs to arrest by force the

^ Sitting of June 17, 17S9. The Third Estate proclaimed itself a National
Assembly, on the motion of Legrand, deputy from Berry, and not on that of Sieyes,
as is generally believed.

- See the Appendix, pa^e 104, containing JL de Bacourt's account of these inter-
views.

3 June 20, 1789.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 95

movement which the government had failed to foresee, and the
instrument of force escapes from the hands which try to make
use of it. On the same day, the whole of France, cities, villages,
hamlets, are under arms. The Bastille is attacked, taken or
thrown open in a couple of hours, and its governor slaughtered.^
Popular fury is vented on other victims.^ From this moment the
c^overnment is powerless, there are no longer any States-General ;
they have given place to a single and all-powerful assembly ; and
the principle of equality is sanctioned. Those who have advised
the employment of force, those who have set it in motion, those
who have been its leaders, think only of their own safety.
A number of the princes leave the kingdom, and emigration
commences.

The Comte d'Artois had been the first to give the signal for
it ; his departure caused me much grief I loved him ; it needed
all the force of my reason to keep me from following him, and to
enable me to resist the entreaties made to me on his behalf by
Madame de Carignan, to join him at Turin. It would be
a great mistake for any one to conclude from my refusal that I
blamed those who emigrated ; I did not blame them, but I
blamed the emigration. Nearly all the t^migrds were actuated
by a noble sentiment and by a deep devotion to the royal cause ;
but emigration was a false step. Whatever may have been its
motive, whether the fear of danger, offended self-love, the wish
to recover by force of arms what had been lost, or the idea of a
duty to fulfil, it appeared to me under all these aspects, but a
poor calculation.

There could have been a necessity for emigrating, only in the
case of a personal danger against which France could have offered
no refuge, or no sufficiently safe refuge, that is to say, in case of
general danger for the nobles. This danger did not exist then ;
it might be prevented, while the first effect of emigration was to

1 Bernard Jourdan de Launay, issued from a noble family of Normandy, born in
1740 at the Bastille, of which his father was governor; he also filled this post as
successor to M. de fumilhac. The part he played during the attack of July 14 is
well known ; how, having been compelled to surrender, he was massacred with several
of his officers, in spite of the efforts of Helie and of Huhn, the leaders of the assailants.

2 Besides the [,'overnor de Launay and his soldiers, the people massacred the
Prk)St dcs Marchands* Flesselles, and, a few days after, the intendant Foulon and his
son-in-law, Bcrlier dc Sauvigny, intendant of Paris.

♦ Provost of the MerchantE— an office similar to that of Lord Mayor in England.

96 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

create it. Not all the nobles, nor even the majority of them,
were able to leave the kingdom. Age, sex, infirmities, lack of
money and other causes, not less powerful, were an insuperable
obstacle to a large number. Only a portion of them, then, could
go abroad, and this absent portion must inevitably compromise
those who remained. Objects of suspicion, which soon degenerated
into hatred, the nobles who could not leave the country, must,
through fear, swell the number of the ruling party, or become
its victims.

The only loss with which as yet the spirit of liberty threatened
the nobility, was that of its titles and privileges. By emigration
this loss was not prevented, while by it the French aristocracy
ran the risk of adding to this loss a still greater one, that of
their estates. However painful for the nobility the loss of their
titles and privileges may have been, it was incomparably less so
than the situation to which they were going to be reduced by the
simple forfeiture of their revenues. The loss of titles alone
could be softened by the certainty that it was not irreparable, and
by the hope that it might even be repaired. In a great and ancient
monarchy, the spirit of equality, carried to its utmost conse-
quences, is a disease essentially transient, and this disease might
have been less severe and of much shorter duration had it been
less combated. But property once lost could not be as easily
restored as titles ; it might have been transferred, and have passed
through so many hands as to make it impossible ever to recover
it, and even dangerous to attempt to do so. The loss of property
would then be an incurable disease, not only for the nobles, but
for the entire State, the natural organization of which could be
but imperfectly restored as long as one of its essential elements
no longer existed, except partly. For nobility, an essential element
of a monarchy, is not a simple element, and birth without wealth,
or wealth without birth does not constitute, politically speaking,
a perfect nobility.

One could scarcely delude one's self so far as to believe that
what the entire class of the nobles, with the means of action and
influence that remained to it, had failed to defend and preserve,
could have been recovered with the mere help of that portion of
the nobility which had emigrated. All its hope would then

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 97

reside in the help of foreigners. But was there nothing to be
feared from such assistance ? Could it be accepted without
suspicion, if it were offered, and could it be implored without
scruples ? The greatness of the injury received was not sufficient
to excuse those who called to their assistance the help of a foreign
force. An act of this nature can be justified only by a concurrence
of extraordinary circumstances ; it should have been required by
the vital interests of the country itself ; to resort to it, all other
means must have previously failed ; the success of such inter-
vention must have been certain, and there must have been
undeniable proofs that neither the country, its integrity nor its
future independence would thereby be injured. But what certainty
could there be as to the next action of the foreigrners, havinsr
once crushed the Revolution } What certainty was there that they
could crush it .-' Was there a certainty of receiving real assistance,
.and was it wise to trust simply in hopes ? Why go to meet
assistance which perhaps would not be forthcoming, when, even
with the certainty of its coming, reason advised to keep quiet and
await its arrival .' And, while waiting for it, one could, if the
social need of the country demanded it, co-operate with this
assistance in a more efficacious manner ; the chances of success
would be thus increased, and nothing be compromised ; while, in
going to seek assistance, one compromised all, relations, friends,
fortune, and the throne with them ; and not onlj' the throne, but
the life of the monarch as well, and that of his family, which,
perhaps one day, on the brink of the abyss, or already in the
abyss, could only account for its misfortunes, by crying out :
" Behold, see inhere emigration has led us." ^

Thus, far from deserving to be regarded as the accomplish-
ment of a duty, the emigration needed to be excused, which it
could be only by the immensity of a personal danger from which

' I can say that the positive opinion of Louis XVI. in this respect is found in
Memoirs I have read, and of which M. de Clermont-Gallerande is the author. They
are written in his hand, and are now in the possession of the Marquis de Fontenille.
In them, M. de Clermont* gives an account of the mission he had been charged by
the king to fulfil at Coblentz. He was instructed to describe to the king's brothers the
personal danger in which bis life had been placed by the emigration ( Prince Talleyrand).

* Charles, Marquis de Clermont-Gallerande, was the issue of a noble family of Maine. F.orn in
1744 he became brigndier-geaeral, took part in the defence of the Tuilenes on AuRust lo, and was
\c,nz imprisoned under the Terror. It was he who, under the Consulate, dehvered to Tonaparte
the letter hy wliich Louis XVIII. invited him to re-establish him on the throne. Peer of France in
j8i4, he died in i?;3. His Memoirs were published in 1825 at Paris (3 vols. 8vo).

VOL. I. H

98 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

there was no other way of escaping. These views, if another
order of things should some day be brought about, will, I hope,
be generally shared by the men who may perhaps still have to
struggle against the revolutionary torrent.

I resolved, therefore, not to leave France, until constrained to
do so by personal danger ; to do nothing to provoke it, not to
struggle against a torrent which must be allowed to pass ; but to
hold myself in a position enabling me to save those who could
be saved, to raise no obstacle between opportunity and myself,
and to hold myself in readiness for it.

The deputies of the third order before triumphing over the
two others, had been engaged in drawing up a declaration of
rights in imitation of that made by the English Colonies, when
they proclaimed their independence. They continued to prepare
it after the fusion of the orders. This declaration was nothing
more than a theory of equality, a theory which may be summed
up as follows :

" There is no real difference, and there ought to be no per-
manent distinction, between men, other than that which proceeds
from personal merit. The distinctions which are inherent to the
tenure of offices are accidental and ought to be temporary, in
order that the right which each citizen has to pretend to them,
need not be illusory. All political power proceeds from the people
and returns to them. To them alone belongs the sovereignty.
What they wish is the law, and nothing is law but what they wish.
If they cannot exercise the sovereignt}- themselves, which is the
case when their numbers arc too great for assembling together, it
must be exercised by representatives of their choice, who can do
all which they could do themselves, and whose power is therefore
without limit."

The incompatibility of an hereditary monarchy with such a
theory was flagrant. However, the Assembly wished, in good
faith, to preserve the monarchy and to apply to it the republican
theory which found universal support. It did not suspect that it
was difficult to conciliate them ; ignorance is so presumptuous,
and passions are so blind. By the boldest and most insolent of
usurpations, the Assembly arrogates to itself this sovereigntj-
which it attributes to the people; it declares itself constituted, that

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 99

is to say invested with the right to destroy all that exists, and to
substitute in its place all that may please itself.

It was a sad certainty that if the government wished to dis-
solve it, it would not obey, and that no one was in a position to force
it to obedience. To argue against it would have served no purpose.
In restricting one's self to contesting the power it claimed, one did
not prevent its acting ; to protest against its acts was a measure
full of danger, and unlikely to have the desired effect. But the
king could say to it :

" You hold as a principle that the sovereignty belongs to the
people. You hold in /ar/ that it has delegated to you the ex-
ercise of it in its plenitude. I have my doubts upon that, to
say the least. It is necessary, above all, before going any further,
that this question be decided. I do not pretend to make myself
the judge ; neither can you be ; but this people is a judge that
)-ou cannot challenge. I will interrogate it ; let its answer be
our law."

All the probabilities are, that if skilfully handled, the people,
at a time when revolutionary ideas had not }'et tainted the
masses, and when what have since been called revolutionary
interests did not yet exist, would have disclaimed the doctrines
and disapproved the pretensions of the Assembl}'. Nothing then
would have been easier than to dissolve it. Being thus condemned,
these doctrines and these pretensions would have been so for
ever. If the people, on the contrary, had sanctioned them by
their votes, they would then have been subjected to all their
consequences, and justl)' subjected to them, having been able to
preserve themselves and not having willed to do so ; and no
share of responsibility would have rested on the monarch. From
an appeal to the people, there would have followed, it is true,
the necessity of recognizing him as sovereign, if he so declared
himself ; and this, it will perhaps be said, was a thing to be avoided
at any price. But the appeal to the people at the stage
which was reached, would not have created this necessity ; it
would, on the contrary, have presented the sole chance which
still existed, of avoiding it, in rendering it, from being present
and absolute as it was, contingent and simply possible. The
Assembly attributed to itself a power, ascribing its foundation to

H 2

loo THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the sovereignty of the people, and which could have no other.
This sovereignty was therefore acknowledged as soon as this
power was acknowledged, and there was an absolute necessity
for acknowledging it, unless the Assembly could be forced to
retract or to dissolve (two things equally impossible), or the
people could be led to pronounce against its decisions, which
could not be done without making them the judge. In this case,
the people, would, as I believe, have fulfilled the hopes placed in
them, — or would have betrayed these hopes. In the first sup-
position he would have crushed the evil at its birth, and caused
the Revolution to prove abortive ; in the second, he would
have rendered inevitable that which could only have been pre-
vented by his own interference, which would not have extended,
but have simply revealed the magnitude of the evil. The
advantage of such a course would have been to make it no
longer possible to entertain any delusion as to the real nature
of this evil ; it would no longer have occurred to anybody to
check it by means that were only calculated to aggravate it. It
would have been felt that, until it had passed through all its
phases of development, there was no remedy to be expected from
within ; its contagiousness would have become plain to all, and
Europe would not have rocked herself, as she did, in a false and
pernicious security. Thus, even by the worst supposition, the
appeal to the people would have been a step of the greatest
utility, without any admixture of inconvenience. Why then was
it not resorted to ? From prejudice, perhaps, or from passion,
for indeed prejudices and passions were not all on the one side ;
perhaps, also, because this remedy did not occur to any of the
men who formed then the councils of the king.

After a few attempts at force, abandoned almost as soon as
conceived, they trusted entirely to intrigue to destroy a power
that they had allowed to become too strong to be restrained,
or even directed, by so feeble a means. The Assembly was
therefore left almost to itself. In the midst of the passions
which agitated it, it soon lost sight of all the constituent princi-
ples of society. It no longer knew that there is for civil society
a necessary mode of organization without which it could not
exist. ^^^"^

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. loi

Fascinated by the chimerical ideas of equality and of the
sovereignty of the people, the Assembly committed endless faults.
The king was styled first representative, delegate of the
people, and chief of the executive power ; none of which titles
were his, none of which expressed the functions which he ought
to fill as monarch.

The right to convene, adjourn and dissolve the legislative
body was taken from him.

That body, having risen to be a power, became permanent,
and was to be renewed at fixed periods. It was to form but a
single house.

Every Frenchman of age, who was in receipt of wages and
who had not been sentenced to penal servitude or other igno-
minious punishment, was eligible or an elector, according as he
paid fifty francs in yearly taxes, or only three francs.

The elections had to be carried out by a medley of all
professions.

The nomination of the bishops, judges, and public officials
was ascribed to the constituencies.

The king had only the power of suspending provisionally
public officials. The right of dismissing them from public
service was vested in the general power of the electors. The
judges were only appointed for a time.

The initiative in making peace or war rested solely with the
sovereign ; but the right to declare the latter or to sanction
peace was reserved for the legislative power.

In the army, a scale of promotion by grades was established,
which deprived the king of two-thirds of his power of nominating.
The king could reject the proposals of the legislature, but with
this restriction, that what three successive legislatures should
adopt, should become law, notwithstanding the refusal of the
king to sanction it.

Such were the constitutional laws imposed upon political
and civil society in France by the Assembly ; these laws only
left a semblance of what had been royal power.

The men who had been the most anxious to destroy this
royal power perceived at last that they had gone too far, and
attempted to retrace their steps ; they succeeded only in losing

102 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

their popularity. The torrent formed by ignorance and passion
was so violent that it was impossible to stem it.

Those who foresaw its ravages most clearly, were compelled
to confine themselves as much as prudence allowed, to playing a
passive part.

This I resolved to do on most questions. However, I felt
that I ought to speak on several matters relative to State
finance. I opposed the creation of paper money, and the reduction
of the interest on the national debt. I established, in a rather
extensive essay, the principles on which I believed a national
bank should be founded. I proposed the establishment of uni-
formity in weights and measures. I charged myself, also, with
the report of the Constitutional Committee on Public Instruc-
tion.^ To accomplish this great work, I consulted the most learned
men, and the most prominent scholars of the time, amongst whom
I may mention M. de Lagrange,- M. de Lavoisier," M. de la Place,
M. Monge,2 M. de Condorcet, M. Vicq d'Azyr,^ and M. de la

^ The following is a brief statement of the part played by Talleyrand at the Con-
stituent Assembly : He proposed the nullification of the imperative mandates (July '] ,
1789) ; was elected member of the Committee appointed to draft a constitution (July
13) ; urged the suppression of tithes (August 1 1 j ; caused the adoption of certain articles
in the declaration of rights (August 2i) ; proposed proper measures to insure a loan
(August 27) ; proposed to apply the wealth of the clergy to the needs of the State
(October 10) ; presented a police regulation for Paris (November 5) ; proposed to make
an inventory of the properties of the clergy (November 7) ; was appointed to examine
the state of the Bank of Discount (November 26) ; rendered an account of this exam-
ination (December 4) ; proposed to consider the Jews as citizens (January 28, 1790) ;
proposed an address to the people to induce calmness {F~ebruary 9) ; elected President
of the Assembly by 373 votes against 125 for Sieyes (February 26) ; proposed a method
for the conveyance and sale of the national lands (June 13) ; opposed the issue of
2,000,000,000 of francs* of paper money (September iS) ; reported on the rights of
registration (November 22) ; speech on the re-coinage of money (December 12) ■
caused the adoption of a project of law on the unification of weights and measure
(March 26, 1791); reported on a decree of the l)epartment of Paris relative l<
religious freedom (May 7) ; drew up a report on public instruction (September 10).

^ Joseph-Louis Lagrange, born at Turin in 1736 of French parents, was at eighteer
years of age the first mathematician of Europe. In 1766, Frederick IL called him t<
Berlin as President of the Academy. He came to Paris in 17S6, entered the Instiiuf
in 179s, was appointed senator under the Empire, and died in 1S13.

3 Laurent Lavoisier, born at Paris in 1743, entered the Academy of Sciences at
twenty-five years of age, and obtained, soon after, the post oi fcrinicr- general. Ht
was the first chemist of his lime. Arrested under the Terror, he was guillotined or
May 8, 1794.

■* Gaspard Monge, born at Ileaune in 1746, was at first professor at the School o\
Engineers at Mezieres. He entered the Academy of Sciences in 17S0. Minister ol
Marine after August 10, he was appointed a member of the Institut. He accom-
panied Napoleon, later, to Egypt, and became President of the Institute of Cairo.
Napoleon appointed him senator and Comte de Peluse. He died in iSiS.

'•> Felix Vicq d'Azir, born at Valognes in 1748, studied medicine, and opened, in

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 103

Harpe.^ All assisted me. The reputation this work has
acquired demanded that I should name them.

A circumstance occurred, in which, in spite of all my repug-
nance, I thought it necessary to come to the front. Here are the
motives which decided me.

The Assembly pretended to regulate alone and by civil law
that which until then had been regulated only by a concourse
of the spiritual and temporal powers and by canonical and civil
laws. It made a particular constitution for the clergy,- exacting
from all the ecclesiastics in function an oath to conform to it,
under pain of being considered as resigning. Nearly all the
bishops refused to do so, and their seats being considered vacant,
the constituents nominated people to fill them. These newly
elected bishops were only too ready to dispense with the institu-
tion given by the Court of Rome ; but they could not do without
the episcopal character which could only be conferred upon them
by men who had received it. If no one should be found to confer
it upon them, it was greatly to be feared, not that all religion
would be proscribed, as came to pass a few years after, but, what
seemed to me more dangerous seeing that it might have been
more lasting, that the Assembly, by the doctrines it had sanc-
tioned, might soon force the country into Presbyterianism, more
in accord with the ruling opinions, and that France could not be
drawn back to Catholicism, whose hierarchy and forms are in
harmony with those of the monarchical system. I lent, there-
fore, my services to consecrate one of the newly-elected bishops,
who in his turn, consecrated the others.^

1773, brilliant lectures on anatomy. Member of the Academy of Sciences (1774).
and of the French Academy, where he succeeded Buffon. First physician to the
queen (17S9). He was the last chancellor of the old Academy (June, 1793), which
was suppressed on Au^ist 8 following. He died June 20, 1794-

1 J -Fr. de la Harpe, bom in Paris in 1739, litterateur and cntic. The literary
lecture's he' was entrusted with at the establishment that Pilatre des Roziers had just
founded under the name oi Lyck, made his reputation. _ La Harpe was arrested under
the Terror and proscribed on Fructidor 18. He died in 1803.

3 The civil constitution was voted by the Assembly on July 12, 1790. It is known
that it reduced the number of dioceses, decreed the election by the people of bishops
and curates, and suppressed the canonical institution. This was the origin of the
schism which divided the Church of France into sworn and unsworn clergy.

3 Talleyrand had been chosen as consecro.ting prelate, and with him Gobel, Bishop
of Lydda and Miroudot, Bishop of Babylon. On February 24, 1791, Talleyrand
consecrated the first two constitutional bishops— Kxpilly, Bishop of Finistere, and
Marolles Bishop of Aisne— in the Church of the Oratoire, Rue St. Honore.

I04 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

This done, I gave in my resignation of the bishopric of
Autun, and I thought only of abandoning the first career I
had followed ; I put myself at the disposition of events, and,
provided I remained a Frenchman, all else contented me.
The Revolution promised new destinies for the nation ; I fol-
lowed its course and ran my chances. I devoted to it the best
of all my energies, being resolved to serve my country for herself,
and I placed all my hopes on the constitutional principles that
were believed to be so nearly attained. This explains how and
why, at several periods, I entered, and re-entered public life ;
it also throws light on the part I have played.

APPENDIX.i

Note of M. de Bacourt on the iiitervicivs of Prince Talleyrand

zvith the Conite d' Aj-tois.

We wish to add to this passage some details which IVI. de
Talleyrand had neglected or perhaps forgotten.

It is a positive fact that at the time to which this passage
relates, M. de Talleyrand had several interviews with the Comte
d'Artois, in which he sought to convince the prince of the neces-
sity for taking forcible measures, and while maintaining the
concessions which the king had already made, to repress with
vigour the popular agitation which was manifesting itself daily,
and which had already caused bloodshed in the streets of the
capital. The most important, and the last of these inter-
views, took place at Marly on the night of the i6th to the 17th
of July, 1789, that is to say, a few hours before the prince left
France. When M. de Talleyrand presented himself at the
residence of the Comte dArtois, this prince had alread}^ retired,
but nevertheless received him for an interview which lasted more
than two hours. M. de Talleyrand e.xposcd anew all the dangers
of the situation, and begged the prince to make them known to
the king. The Comte d'Artois was much affected, arose and re-
paired to the king, and, after quite a prolonged absence, returned
to declare to M. de Talleyrand that nothing could be effected
with the king, who was resolved to j'ield rather than to cause a
single drop of blood to be shed by resisting the popular outbreaks.
"As for me," added the Comte dArtois, " my decision is made ;

' See page 94.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 105

I depart to-morrow, and I leave France." M. de Talleyrand
entreated the prince in vain to renounce this resolution, repre-
senting to him the difficulties and dangers it might bring on him
in the present, both concerning his rights and those of his children
in the future. The Comte d'Artois persisted, and M. de Talley-
rand concluded by saying to him : " Then, Monseigneur, it only
remains for each of us to think of his own interests, since the
king and the princes desert theirs and those of the monarchy." —
"■ Indeed," replied the prince, " that is what I advise you to
do ; whatever happens I shall never blame you ; and you may
always rely on my friendship." — The Comte d'Artois emigrated
on the morrow.

In the month of April, 1814, ]\I. de Talleyrand, having be-
come President of the Provisory Government, found himself in
a position to announce to the Comte dArtois, who was
then at Nancy with his attendants, awaiting the issue of events,
that Louis XVIII. was called to the throne, and that the prince
himself was invited to return to Paris to take charge of the
government as lieutenant-general of the kingdom. He charged
the Baron de Vitrolles^ with this mission, and as the latter was
about to leave, and while the despatch for the prince was being
sealed, Talleyrand told the baron the story of the interview of
the night of July 16, 1789, while walking up and down the
entresol of his hotel in the Rue Saint Florentin. After which
he said to him, " Do me the favour of asking the Comte d'Artois
if he recollects this little incident."

M. de Vitrolles, after having delivered his important message,
did not fail to put to the prince the question as requested by

1 Eugene d'Arnaud, Baron de Vitrolles, was born in 1774 at the chateau of this
name in Provence. His family was one of the oldest in the country. He was the
grand-nephew of the illustrious bailli de SufTren. He emigrated in 1790, and entered
as volunteer in the army of Conde. He returned to France in 1797 after the iSth Bru-
maire, he was struck off the list of the emigres, thanks to the intervention of General
Bemadotte, who, when a sergeant in the regiment of the Royal Marines, had been
his fencing master. M. de Vitrolles was mayor and councillor-general under the
Empire. In 1812, he was appointed inspector of flocks — a post which had just been
created for inspecting and favouring the breeding of merinoes in France. M. de
Vitrolles took a leading part in the first Restoration. To his personal action was
perhaps due the decision of the allied sovereigns to march on Paris, which brought
about the fall of the Empire. Minister of State in 1814, royal commissioner at
Toulouse in 1S15, he was arrested by the order of Napoleon, and remained in prison
during the period of the Hundred Days. He was a Member of the Chambre
introiivablc* and deprived in 1818 of his post of minister. In 1S27, Charles X.
appointed him minister at Florence, and peer of France in July, 1830. M. de Vitrolles
did not support the monarchy of July. He died in retirement in 1834. He left
interesting memoirs on the Restoration, which are well known.

* The Chambre intron-jabU — This was the name given to the Chamber elected in 1815, on account
of the exaggeration of its royahst opinions. It could scarcely have been anticipated that the imperial
constituencies should return such a parliament. On learning the composition of this Chamber, which
he was to dissolve ten months later, Louis XVIII. was delighted and said several times : "Chambre
introuvable ! Chambre introuvable \" It exceeded indeed his most sanguine hopes. — {Translator.)

io6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

M, de Talleyrand ; to which the Comte d'Artois replied, " I
recollect the circumstance perfectly, and M. de Talleyrand's
account is exact in every particular."

Having been informed that M. de Vitrolles had related this
anecdote to several persons, we thought it advisable to appeal
to his memory and to his loyalty. To justify this expression
" loyalty," it must be told that M. de Vitrolles, after the Revolu-
tion of July, 1S30, had ceased all intercourse with M. de
Talleyrand, and expressed himself very severely in regard to
him. This will explain the tone of hostility and of bitter-
ness which pervades M. de Vitrolles' letter, which we insert here.
We think that for the reader, as for us, this hostility will only
further confirm the sincerity of M. de Vitrolles' declaration,
and the authenticity of the passage in the memoirs of M.
de Talleyrand. The slight divergence which will be observed
between the account given to us by M. de Talleyrand and that
of M. de Vitrolles' letter will explain itself naturally as the
effect of the time that had elapsed since the occurrence, and
which had modified the recollections of the two narrators. It,
nevertheless, remains a fact, that in Juh', 17S9, M. de Talleyrand
believed that the progress of revolutionary events might be
arrested, that he had the moral courage to say so, and to pro-
pose to undertake to check it. He is not the only one, perhaps,
who boasted of so doing afterwards ; we think we have proved
that his boast, at least, was not unjustified. Here is the letter of
M. de Vitrolles : —

The Baron de Vitrolles to M. de Bacourt.^

Paris, April 6lh, 1S52.

Sir,

You are good enough to consider as of some value the
testimony I might furnish respecting a particular incident in the
life of Prince de Talleyrand ; I think I cannot better comply
with your wishes than in transcribing here what I wrote many
years ago, in connection with the events of 18 14.

When His Majesty the Emperor of Russia and the Prince

' Adolphe Fourier de Bacourt, born in iSoi. He entered diplomacy in 1S2:,
and was sent in 1S30 to London. M. de Talleyrand noticed him there, and
attached him to his person. In 1S35, he was appointed minister at Carlsruhe, and
then at "Washington, 1840. Ambassador to Turin in 1S42, he resigned in 1S48. He
had been appointed a peer of France. During the early portion of his career, Bacourt
had made, at the Hague, the acquaintance of the Comte de la Maick, who entrusted
to him his correspondence with Mirabeau. He published it in 1S51. He undertook
afterwards the publication of the present memoirs. (It is known that Prince de
Talleyrand had left the care of their publication to the Duchesse de Uino, his niece,
and, in case she died, to M. de Bacourt.) He died in 1865. He left memoirs,
published since by his niece, the Comtesse de Mirabeau.

THE YEARS PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 107

de Talleyrand were convinced that the presence of the king's
brother endowed with the powers of lieutenant-general of the
kingdom was necessary, and I was about to leave with the object
of inducing Moyisienr to return to Paris, I had several con-
ferences on this subject with the President of the Provisory
Government. In a last interview, at the moment of departure,
we had talked of the conditions and ceremonies for the reception
of Mo7is£igneur. After a moment's silence, Prince de Talley-
rand said, with his wheedhng smile, and in a tone which he
endeavoured to make careless and almost indifferent : —

" I beg of you to ask the Comte d'Artois if he recollects
" the last occasion on which I saw him ; it was in the month
"of July, 1789. The court was at Marly. Three or four o*
" my friends, struck like myself with the rapidity and the violence
" of the agitation which was stirring all minds, resolved with me
" to acquaint the king, Louis XVI., with the real situation of
" affairs, which the court and the ministers seemed to ignore.
"We requested His Majesty to be so kind as to receiv^e us;
" we desired for his good as for our own that this audience
•' should be kept secret. The reply was that the king ' had
" charged his brother, the Comte d'Artois, to recei^^e us ; the
" appointment was made for Marly, in the pavilion occupied by
" the Comte d'Artois alone. We arrived there at midnight."

M. de Talleyrand named to me the precise date, and the
names of the friends who accompanied him : they were members
of the National Assembly and of that minority of the nobility
who were in the Third Estate ; I recollect neither tlie date nor

the names.

"When we were in the presence of the Co: ate d'Artois,"
continued M. de Talleyrand, " we exposed to him in all frank-
" ness the situation of affairs, and of the SUte, as it appeared to
" us. We said to him that it was a great rnisiake to believe that
" the agitation which was stirring all minds could easily be
•' calmed. It was not by delays, caution, and a few concessions,
" that the dangers which menaced France, the throne, and the
" king could be averted. It was by an energetic display of the
" royal authority, wisely and skilfully employed. We know the
" ways and the means and the position which would enable us to
" undertake this, and guarantee our succeeding, if the con-
" fidence of the king should entrust us with it. The Comte
"d'Artois listened to us attentively, and fully understood us,
" though he was, perhaps, inclined to think that we were exag-
" geradng the danger of the situation and our importance in
"remedytng it. But, as he said to us, he had only been
" instructed by the king to hear us, and to report to him what

lo8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

" we wished to make known to him ; he had no answer to give
" us, and no power to engage the will or the word of the king.
" When we had reached this point, we begged of the Comte
" d'Artois permission to add, that if the application we now
" made conscientiously and in good faith was not appreciated, if
" it had no eft"ect and led to no result, Monseignezir must not
" be astonished if, not being able to resist the torrent which
" threatened to carry all before it, we should support the new
'■ state of affairs. . . . Ask, I pray you, of Monsieur^' repeated
M. de Talleyrand, " if the conversation of that night has left
" any trace in his memory. It was almost at the very time
" when he left France."

I admired the subtilty of this mind, which found, in one of
its recollections, an explanation, an excuse, and almost a jus-
tification of all his revolutionary life ; he could have found many
others to serve him in very different and even contrary circum-
stances. In listening to this story, which was related with a sort
of indifference and unaffected simplicity, I took the liberty of
doubting whether what might remain in the memory oi Monsieiir
wouM be entirely consonant with the words I had just heard.
However, when, at Nancy, I remembered the request of M. de
Tallej'rand, Monseigyieiir said to me, without entering into any
detail, that he had not forgotten this circumstance, and that all
I had repeated to him was the exact truth.

I hope. Sir, that this testimony will meet with your expecta-
tions. I ihank you for having offered me this opportunity of
giving you .he assurance of my highest regard.

Baron de Vitrolles.

END OF THE FIRST PART.

PART II.
THE DUG D'ORLEANS.i

General considerations on the importance of private Memoirs and reliable
biographies to history — Lineage of Louis-Philippe-Joseph, fifth Due
d'Orleans—Hisearly years and dispositions — His education — Hisfrivohty
and dryness of heart — His marriage with Mademoiselle de Penthi^vre —
Associates of the Due d'Orleans — M. de Voyer — Abb^ Yvon — M. de
Lille — M. de Voyers philosophy — M. de Voyer and M. de Maurepas —
The Prince de Lamballe — The Marquis de Conflans — Cruel indifference
of the Due d'Orleans — M. de Biron — The liaisons of the Due d'Orleans
— The Princesse de Bouillon — The Marquise de Fleury — The Princesse
de Lamballe — Madame de Sillery, Comtesse de Genlis — Her influence
over the Due de Chartres — Her literary productions — Count de Cagliostro
— The Chevalier de Luxembourg — Speculations of the Due d'Orleans
— Outrageous proceedings of this prince towards his treasurer, S^guin —
The Due d'Orleans wishes to become grand-admiral — He is appointed
colonel-general of hussars — Mademoiselle Amould, the famous actress —
Journey of the Due d'Orleans to England and to Italy — He falls
seriously ill — Grand-master of the freemasons — Debauchery and
depravity of the Due d'Orleans — Agitation in France — Forebodings of
the Revolution — The deficit — M. de Calonne summons an assembly of
the Notables — Intrigues of the Due d'Orleans against the king — The
Marquis Ducrest — Ambition of the Due d'Orleans — Measures taken by

^ The second house of Orleans descends from Philippe I., Due d'Orleans, junior
son of Louis XIII. Louis-Philippe-Joseph, of whom we are about to speak here,
is the fifth prince of this house. His mother was a Princess de Bourlion-Conti.
He was born in 1747. All his life he carried on a systematic opposition to the Court,
and became, in 17S7, the leader of all the malcontents. Exiled in 17S7, Deputy to
the States-General, he was one of the first to go over to the Third Estate. He became
a member of the Jacobin Club. The part he played in the Convention is well known.
He died on the scaffold, November 6, 1793. He had married Louise de Bourbon-
Penthievre, daughter of the Due de Penthievre and of Marie Therese d'Este, who was
one of the most virtuous and most distinguished ladies of her time. Imprisoned in
1793, she was saved by the coup cTelat of Thermidor 9, and exiled to Spain (1797).
She returned to Paris in 1814. The Due d'Orleans had three sons : the Due de
Chartres, afterwards King Louis Philippe, the Due de Montpensier, and the Comte
de Beaujolais.

no THE MEMOIRS OE PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the Archbishop of Toulouse against ^\\q. pa?-lcjncnts — M. and Mdme. de
Semonville — A loan of ;{^i6,ooo,ooo — General discontent of the people
— Louis XVI. refuses to allow the Due d'Orleans to go on a visit to
England — Differences between the Queen and the Due d'Orl(fans —
Trianon — The Due d'Orleans becomes the head of all malcontents — M.
de Limon's abilit) — Abbe Sabatier de Cabre — The /its de justice — The
Marquis de Lamognon — The edict of 1787 and the Protestants — The
sitting of November 19, 1787 — M. d'Espresm^nil — Public protest
of the Due d'Orleans against the king's orders — Lepelletier de St.-
Fargeau — Imprisonment of the Abbes Freteau and Sabatier — Exile of
the Due d'Orleans — Popular outburst of sympathy on this measure being
known — Intervention of the parhment of Paris — Energetic attitude of
Louis XVI. — The Due d'Orleans forgiven by the king — Struggle between
M. de flrienne and the parlcmeyits — Stringent measures of the govern-
ment — Premonitory symptoms of the Revolution — Riot in the Faubourg
St.-Antoine — M. de Laclos — Abb6 Sieyes — Project of reforms drawn up
by the Due d'Orleans for the States-General — Judgment of Prince
Talleyrand on the political part played by the Due d'Orleans — The
oriijin and causes of the Revolution.

The private memoirs and lives of celebrated men are the
source of true history ; as compared with tradition, which i.<?
always credulous and even superstitious, they serve to criticize its
accounts or to support them, and help with it to give history
the character of authenticity to which it laj's claim.

Bythis means the times of Henry III., Henry IV., Louis XIII.,
and of Louis XIV., have become well known, and the history of
these reigns has been received with more confidence. The follow-
ing period, though nearer to the days we live in, has not, up to the
present, been so favourably treated ; it has not furnished us with
such abundant sources of information. It seems that traditions
alone founded the historical facts generally believed with regard
to these times.

The Steele de Louis XIV.. by M.de Voltaire, is a production
sui generis. It belongs to the style of memoirs by its simple,
natural tone, and the mention of a few anecdotes, but it often
rises to general views of a lofty and superior order. It is
evident that M. de Voltaire did not intend to write the history
of the reign of Louis XIV., and that he wished to confine him-
self to sketching in broad outline the chief events of that reign.

A well-written life of M. de Colbert or of M. de Louvois

THE D UC D' OR LEA NS. 1 1 1

would give a correct idea of what the government of that great
king was. A work of this kind on the ministry of the Due de
Choiseul would acquaint us with the spirit which prevailed at
court and in the administration under the reign of Louis XV.
I have thought that a picture of the life of the Due d'Orleans
would give the features and the colour of the weak and transient
reign of Louis XVI.; that it would set forth in a tangible manner
the general laxity of public and private manners under that
reign, as well as the degradation in the form of government and
in the habits of the administration; that a work undertaken with
this view, would faithfully depict the character of an important
period of French history.

In the lapse of three centuries, at very nearly equal intervals,
the form of government in France has been threatened by
outbreaks, each of which bore a particular stamp. The first
two, the Ligue and the Fronde, hastened the development
of national greatness and power ; there was something grand
and noble in the audacity and in the methods of the Guises
and of Cardinal de Retz : it was the seduction of that time.

As for the last outbreak, that which we have just witnessed, it
has been but a frightful catastrophe. The Due d'Orleans who
made himself conspicuous in it, only joined in it from his love of
disorder, his contempt for decency, and his self-abandonment ;
such were the glory, the taste, and the intrigues of those days. —
I now enter upon my subject.

I cannot say what part the different parties who ruled in France
from the beginning of the Revolution will ascribe to the Due
d'Orleans, when they depict, each for his own apology, the great
scenes of that Revolution. Provided that they attribute to
him only wrongs which can result from the most extreme
weakness of character, the facts of the case, though not correct,
will be at least probable. His entire life would prove it. The
circumstances in which he was placed, changed often, but he, as
a child, as a young man, or as a man of mature age, was always
and invariably the same.

Although I can furnish the most curious and least known
details concerning the life and character of the Due d'Orleans, I
would allow all recollection of them to be lost to my memory if

J 12 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

they were merely meant to gratify curiosity, but it struck me
that they might serve some useful end ; I therefore collected
them.

In a country where some elections still take place, it is
advisable to furnish the characteristic signs by which the men
who ought to be removed from the theatre of affairs may be
recognized. The Due d'Orleans is a remarkable instance of this.
Any man who, in youth, affects deep contempt for public
opinion, and whose habits, besides, are so depraved that he does
not respect himself, will, when he advances in years, not know
any other limit to his vices than the sterility of his own imagina-
tion or of that of the persons who surround him. Were it not
important to know exactly the degree of consanguinity which
existed between Louis XVI. and the Due d'Orleans, there would
be no need for me to say what were the advantages the first
prince of the blood of the House of Bourbon could boast. It
is by placing the latter in the midst of all the advantages he
enjoyed, it is by confronting him with all his obligations, that
his character will be better understood. It will be seen what he
trampled under foot, what ties he broke, what sentiments he
smothered, what position he degraded.

It was a powerful title to the love of the French to be
descended from Henry IV. France was accustomed to revere
in the first prince of the blood, the first of subjects, one who
was great enough to protect, though not to oppress her, who
was more powerful than any other individual, but less powerful
than the law, and than the king, who was the living representa-
tive of the law. He was one of the most natural channels by
which the private beneficence of the king could descend
upon the people, and the gratitude of the people ascend to
the throne.^

It need not be expected that I shall give full details as to the
first years of the Due de Chartres. I will not imitate those who
endeavour to seek in the babblings of a child the horoscope of his
vices and of his virtues. I leave that to persons who write with
a system ; I have none.

' There is here in Talleyrand's own manuscript a blank of eight leaves, for which
we have vainly sought explanation.

1 y

CHARLES MAURICE TALLEYRAND

FROM AN ENGRAVIr,& II. THE "gaLEBIES DE VERSAILLES,'^ SERIE X

THE DUC ly OR LEANS. 113

The Due de Chartres, having passed from childhood, entered
upon his education, but then his governesses were men, for
there u^as little difference between his nurses and his first
teachers, other than the difference of woman's weakness and
man's complaisance. Yet when speaking of him, people often
remarked, " If he is not very well brought up, he will at least be
good. The Orleans are good." That goodness of which
people felt so sure, led the prince's tutors to devote as little
attention to his character as to his studies. As he had a very
elegant figure, they sought to have it developed by physical
exercises. Few young people could ride a horse as well and
with as much grace as he. He was a good fencer and a good
shot ; at the ball he always attracted notice. All the members
of the old Court of France who are still alive repent having
applauded him as he danced the Bcarnaise dressed as Henry IV.,
or other aristocratic steps in the holiday dress worn by young
people at the court of Louis XIV. Although in the defence of his
petty interests, and in his intercourse with children of his age, he
displayed a certain accuracy of judgment, he learned absolutely
nothing. He began to study a few sciences, and a few languages,
but never could master even the rules of orthography, with
which, to-day, every woman in France is conversant. His
master of mathematics told me, however, that he believed the
prince had some aptitudes for that science. But he was too
changeable for any one to attempt more than to acquaint him
very superficially with the different branches of knowledge ; his
attention got too easily tired ; he only listened until such time
as he began to have a faint grasp of what was being taught him ;
from that moment, he made no progress. No salient feature
could as yet be detected in his character, it was, however, easy
to notice that he found a sort of mischievous pleasure in annoy-
ing persons who approached him, a species of gay, meddlesome,
naughty wickedness that the benevolent called waggishness.

It was remarked that, in his early youth, he never showed
gratitude either towards his relatives or his masters, and that he
never had any attachment for his playfellows. Although these
are, in children, purely negative faults which do not characterize
any definite propensity, they foretell great coldness of heart.

VOL. I. 1

114 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Amono- the persons who assisted in his education, I only dare to
mention the Comte de Pont, M. de Chateaubrun,^ and M. de
Foncemagne ; - I only name these gentlemen, because they
have, by themselves, just claims to public esteem.

The Due de Chartres was impatient to reach the age of inde-
pendence, and that impatience was not dictated, as is the case
wnth noble-minded young men, by the wish to try for himself the
honourable pursuits of life, but simply by that to escape the irk-
some eye of his tutors, and follow the impulse of his bad inclina-
tions. That moment, which ought to be fixed for each individual
according to the disposition of his mind, the stamp of his
character, the employment he has made of his time, is, in
general, wrongly calculated among the French. They leave
almost no interval between childhood, and the instant when a
young man enters without guide upon a world of which he is
ignorant. This sudden withdraw^al of all control is still more
harmful for princes. Slaves of the care with which they are
surrounded, they remain children up to sixteen years of age, and
all at once they are told that they are even more than the rest of
men ; they are not yet fit to be free, and already they command.
Astonished at their new power, impatient to abuse it in order to
ascertain its properties, they find themselves surrounded only by
seductions. Their most faithful servants fear to warn them, lest
the warning should displease them, and a host of others try to be
agreeable to them bj' all possible means.

Everything was to be feared from such concurrence of
circumstances, with the nature already noticed in the Due
de Chartres. If he had been armed with some principle that
had made a profound impression upon his heart, there might
have been some prospect of discovering its effects in those
calm moments when every man communes with himself
He would thus, at least, have given to his tastes the conven-
tional limits of public opinion. If he had felt a strong attraction

' Jean-Baj)tiste Vivien de ChalL-auhnin born at Aiigoultme in i6S6. First maitre
if hotel of tlie Due d'Orlcans. He wrote .several tragedies, \\ hich secured his election to
the Academy (1753). He was appointed under-governor to the Due de Chartres, and
died in 1775.

2 Etienne de Foncemagne, born at Orleans in 1694. He made himself known by-
some historical treatises. Under-governor of the Due de Chartres (1752), he died in
1775-

THE D UC n OR LEA NS. 115

for any science whatever, his intellect would have sought to
extend itself, his attention might have been governed. If only
he had been truly in love, his mind, always active to please,
would not have been worn out, or depraved by lack of occu-
pation ; his heart would have rejected all the defects which are
obliged to vanish before a true sentiment. Simple happiness
which guards itself against the dangers of a restless imagination,
self-abnegation which produces all our generous sentiments,
would, without doubt, have developed some solid qualities in the
Due de Chartres.

But his cold heart deprived him of the illusions of youth,
while his inattentive mind knew not how to fix itself upon
serious matters. Unbridled in his taste, making of his pleasures
a rampart around himself, even against love, he began life by
the abuse of everything, and displayed constancy only in his
excesses.

In 1769, he married Mademoiselle de Penthievre. She was
good, fair, fresh, sweet, and pure ; she pleased him so long as
she was for him a new woman. A few days after, on the
occasion of the first appearance of the Due and Duchesse de
Chartres at the opera the most dashing girls of Paris were
able to lay aside the widows' costumes which they affected to
wear there.

On entering society, the Due de Chartres formed an intimacy
with M. de Voyer,^ the leader of the corrupt men of his time.
A large fortune, the reputation of possessing some business
abilities, a rather brilliant conversation on military subjects, and
a very witty mind, gathered around Voyer young men of unruly
passions, men whose reputation was lost, bad characters and
intriguers of all conditions. Abbe Yvon," better known by the
protracted persecution he had to bear than by some articles he

1 Marc-Rene, Marquis de Voyer, son of the Comte Voyer d'Argenson, Secretary
of State at War. Born in 1722, he became lieutenant-general, Governor of Vincennes,
and died in 1782.

2 Abbe Yvon, bom in 1714 at Mamers, never discharged any ecclesiastical func-
tion, and was always in open contest with the Sorbonne. He made his first appear-
ance in literature in the Encyclopedia, where he wrote the articles : Soul, Atheist,
and God. Suspected of having taken part in the thesis sustained by Prades in
the Sorbonne, and condemned by that learned body, he fled to Holland. Returning
soon after, he was appointed historiographer to the Comte d'Artois, and died in
1791. The Abbe Yvon l.as left a large number of works on theology.

I 2

ii6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

contributed to the Encydopcedia, especially by the article " Soul,"
which brought on him that persecution, had initiated Voyer in
high metaphysics, whose language he had adopted even for
the most familiar conversations. It was always " tJie soul . . .
space . . . tJie link of beings . . . abstractedness . . . matter . . .
composed of points . . . simple . . . without extent . . . indivisible,
&c." All these words, never explained, pronounced at intervals,
with gestures, reticent and mystic forms, prepared the young
adepts to believe. They were then taught that every sentiment
is but ridiculous , . . that scruples are but a sign of weakness . . .
that justice is a prejudice . . . that our interest, or rather our
pleasure only, ought to determine all our actions, &c. . . . They
naturally dispensed with proofs.

One evening, at a supper-party, M. de Lille,i an officer in the
regiment of M. de Coigny, and a man of sense strongly attached
to his friends, a little susceptible, perhaps too familiar, but, on
the whole, a very good lad, not feeling sufficiently convinced that
justice was absolutely a prejudice, allowed himself to make some
objections. " It is my fault, my dear De Lille," said M. de Voyer,
modestly ; " if you still have some doubts, it is because I did not
go back far enough. I was wrong, I ought to have taken the
question from its origin . . . Listen, it is only a word . , . Every-
body knows that existence is for us the idea of the permanence
of a certain collection of sensations which (follow me well) in
similar or nearly similar circumstances, re-appear constantly the
same.... You understand, De Lille.' If they are not just
exactly the same, they only show changes which are subject to
certain laws which govern the universe, &c You under-
stand me well, do you not .'' You see the sequel and the conse-
quence of all this for a man like yourself, my dear De Lille, it is
not necessary to develop it farther, &c ! ! ! "

By what means, if he would preserve his self-love, could a
young man avow himself incapable of understanding this
mysterious language ? He must, indeed confess himself con-
vinced. M. de Lille was sensible enough not to understand
the sophism, but he had not the courage to say it ; and it was

^ M. de Lille, officer in the regiment of Champagne, born at Saint-Mihiel, is the
author of a collection of light poetry.

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 117

not until ridicule dared to attack the corruption which was
the only thing in France that, until then, had been sacred to
him, that M. de Lille related this conversation, and some
others, which the oddness of the expressions had caused him to
remember.

In the midst of that shapeless rubbish of metaphysics, this
new sect only taught a few much truncated maxims, and a few
sententious suggestions, with a gilt of seductive learning.

The fundamental principle of M. de Voyer's doctrine, how-
ever, was simple. He denied the existence of morality, sus-
taining that to say one must seek sanction in one's conscience
was, for men of sense, but a word, with nothing real in it ; and
that thus, it did not exist for all those, who, by their mind and
nature, were inaccessible to remorse. As a deduction from
this, frankness, sincerity, confidence, natural integrity, all the
honourable affections, were accused and denounced as silly.

The source of true pleasures being thus dried up, these must
of course be replaced by monstrous propensities. Among the
initiated, at twenty, all illusions were already destro)'ed. Their
organs thus deprav^ed had need of strong emotions. Corruption
alone could furnish them : and indeed it reigned over all these
young, ruined imaginations, and when it reigns, it is with over-
ruling authority. Sacrifices do not soften its sway ; the more it
obtains, the more it exacts ; candour, fidelity, uprightness, are
its first victims.

When one is but an adept, he is obliged to believe : M. de
Voyer, who was an innovator, availed himself of the right of
leaders of sects, and did not believe in the doctrine he pro-
fessed ; this is proved by a host of details on his life and death.
He always expressed the most absolute scorn for public opinion,
and the judgments of the public were his torment. — " Good
company," he said, one day, " will fall into the contempt it
deserves." — And he was distressed to find that the houses of
some of the members of that good company, which he thus
despised, were closed to him. The total disregard of ever)'- kind
of feeling enforced on him by the part he affected to play, some-
times compelled him to take precautions in order that no one
should come to know the assistance he afforded to some unfor-

Ii8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

tunate families. At " The Elms," ^ on his estate, chiefly in the
most out-of-the-way districts, he did much good. He never
spoke of the court except with derision, any more than of the
favours it granted and of the vile characters who solicited
them, yet he indirectly requested for himself the honour of
the blue riband ^ which, of all the rewards accorded by the
king, bore the plainest imprint of favour. It was at Marly,
the habitual seat of fetes and pleasures, that Louis XVI.,
with the severity of honest manners and the brusqueness
which timidity and probity combined produced in him, re-
proached him with his corruption, in the presence of all the
court. Astonished at the first moment, M. de Voyer could find
no reply. Having, however, collected himself a little he called
on M. de Maurepas in order to acquaint him with what had
occurred and to beg him to obtain for him some sort of apology.
He had little to congratulate himself about the choice of his in-
termediate, from whom he could only obtain the following words :
" We shall never be able to teach politeness to the king!' That
insulting word politeness., the refusal of the " blue riband," the
harsh expressions of the king, wounded him deeply, and all who
knew him intimately, his wife for instance, had no doubt that
sorrow was the cause of his death, which occurred soon after.

The Due de Chartres, who only knew in M. de Voyer that side
of his character which he displayed, submitted completely to the
yoke imposed upon him by the society of the former. He lost
all the natural sentiments by which he might have been able to
reclaim himself. And it is from that time, from that second
education, given at the age when men are the disciples of all that
surrounds them, that really dates the corruption of the Due
d'Orleans. Until then, he only had unfortunate tendencies ; then,
he was imbued with pernicious apologetic maxims, and contracted
habits which he never gave up. If one would explain his entire
life, it is necessary to go back to this period. If acquainted with
the poison with which he was impregnated, one would no longer
be surprised at his fatal errors. Thus, in making known the

' Chateau and land belonging to the d'Argenson family, near Tours.
The riband of the order of the Saint Esprit (Holy Ghost), the highest order of
the old monarchy. It had been created by Henri III. — {Translator.)

THE DUC D'ORLEANS. 119

doctrine of M. de Voyer, I have pictured the Due d'Orleans
completely, I have revealed the secret of his life, and the motive
of his actions. However different they seem to be, the same
principle reappears in all. There never was a man more com-
pletely a slave to his belief. What ravages have been produced
in the present generation of Frenchmen by that system, known
among the disciples under the name of dcsabusciiicnt, which, until
the eighteenth century, shut up in the hearts of a few depraved
men, awaited these days to dare to shine forth as an opinion
which could be professed, like a system of philosophy ! This
phenomenon of audacity merits attention.

The history of the French people has paid too little heed
to the great faults of the human mind, as if there were not a
necessary bond between its errors and its crimes. Has not
morality, for example, everything to gain, when it can reconcile
the opinions of the Due d'Orleans with the different acts of his
life .'' He believed there was nothing just but that which was
comfortable for him : he was always ignorant of the fact that
man depends for his happiness on the happiness of other men ;
he failed to recognize this reciprocal need of services, that
powerful motive of general and private benevolence. All the
pleasant gifts which nature only confers on us for noble purposes,
he subjected solely to personal intrigues, directed against credu-
lous and inexperienced innocence. Called to an immense
fortune, he did not see in the good he wished to do to his fellow-
creatures the guarantee of that which he received from them ;
his narrow egotism did not permit him to believe that, in this
exchange, more would be returned to him than he would give.
In early youth, when one calculates sentiments, one does it
badly, or rather one only calculates upon them because one
has none. In the continual change of inclinations that caprice
causes to spring up, and which leads the soul from ardour to
indifference, and from indifference to another caprice, there is no
place for friendship. Thus the Due d'Orleans loved no one.
Some young, indulgent persons, who took this indifference for
meekness, had an attachment for him. He made them the
companions of his pleasures, comrades of his debauches, but
never felt any real friendship for them. One of his first associates

I20 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

was the Prince de Lamballe : the latter's constitution was too
weak to admit of his bearing long the kind of life led by
his brother-in-law.

The death of young princes is never believed to be natural.
This death niade the Due d'Orleans so prodigiously rich, and he
made so bad a use of his fortune, that, in several works, he has
been accused of having contributed to it in a more direct manner
than by sharing the orgies of the deceased. But there is nothing
to prove this allegation. I ought even to say, as the result of
very reliable inquiries, that there is nothing to justify the sus-
picion at all. It is quite enough to say that the Prince de
Lamballe was the most intimate companion of the Due
d'Orleans, that he was corrupted by him, that he died of it, and
was not even the object of a regret.

A much longer intimacy left no more traces on the heart of
the Due d'Orleans. In 1788, after twenty-five years of asso-
ciation, he showed the most cruel indifference when he lost one
of his principal companions, the Marquis de Conflans,^ a man
who always attracted general notice for his beauty, his noble
bearing, his figure, his skill, and by his faults when he was in bad
company, by his aptitudes when he was with military men, by
the shrewdness of his mind when he spoke of serious things, and,
at all times of his life, b)- the freedom of his tastes, his feelings,
and his aversions. M. de Conflans was suffering from a disease
which was to cause him to die suddenly ; he would not how-
ever believe himself to be ill, and went into society as usual.
On the day of his death, he was to dine with the Due d'Orleans
and a few other noblemen, at the house of M. de Biron - at
Montrouge. They were waiting for him, the Due d'Orleans
more impatiently than the others, because he wished to go to
the theatre. At four o'clock every one was present, when one
of M. de Conflans' people brought the message that he had just
died. All who were in the room expressed their regrets ac-
cording to their close or distant relations with the deceased.
The only words uttered by the Due d'Orleans were : " Lauzun,

' Louis-Gabriel, Marquis de Conflans d'Aniientieres, born in 17351 ■'■on of Marshal
de Conflans. He was brigadier-general.

* The Due de Lauzun who had reassumed his family name at the death of Marshal
de Biron, his uncle (1788).

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 121

as we do not expect any one now, let us dine, in order to be in
time to see the beginning of the opera."

The study of the human heart does not explain how so
barren a soul could inspire the sentiment of friendship ; and I
regard it as incredible that the Due d'Orleans should have been
sincerely loved. M. de Biron, from his childhood until his death,
had for him the most tender feelings. It is certainly not to
the Due d'Orleans that one can attribute the honour of these
sentiments ; it is to M. de Biron alone that it belongs. M. de
Biron was courageous, romantic, generous, and witty. The simi-
larity of their ages, a position almost equally brilliant, mutual
sympath}-, and a certain analogy of mind had caused an intimacy
to spring up between them. It very soon required courage to
love the Due d'Orleans, generosit)- to defend him. The exercise
of these two qualities rendered the Due d'Orleans dearer to M.
de Biron, and his romantic nature furnished him afterwards with
all the fancies which his inward soul needed, to cultivate this
sentiment. On the occasions when M. de Biron, reduced by his
prodigality to be always in difficulties, was in pressing need of
money, he did not believe that the Due d'Orleans, although
enormously rich, could lend him any, since he did not offer it ;
and it was by this same logic of illusions that he maintained
that the Due d'Orleans, having entered on political life, had no
secret thoughts, no personal intentions, no part in the Revo-
lution, since he had never made any confidence to him on this
subject.

I do not speak of the other intimacies of the Due d'Orleans
with the Vicomte de Laval,^ M. Sheldon, M. de Liancourt, M.
Arthur Dillon,- M. de Fitz-James, M. de Saint-Blancard, M. do
Monville,-^ &c. . . . These acquaintances all vanished at different

' Mathieu Paul Louis de Montmorency-Laval, known under the name of Vicomte
de Laval, born August 5, 1748. He was at that time colonel of the regiment of
Auvergne, and became brigadier-general in 17S8. lie died in 1S09.

^ Arthur, Comte de Dillon, bom in Ireland in 1750. The family had been for a
century in the service of France. He took, as colonel, an active part in the American
war, became brigadier-general, and Governor of Tabago. Deputy from Martinique
to the States-General, general-in-chief of the Army of the North, he was guillotined in
1794. Dillon had married the Comtesse de la Touche, cousin of the Empress
Josephine.

' The Baron Thomas Boissel de Monville, born in 1763 at the Chateau of Mon-
ville (Normandy) of a noble family of this province. Counsellor o^ parlement in 1785,

122 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

times. Pleasure, which alone had formed them, is not a bond
strong enough to last through a whole life. Those transient
friendships, lead me, against my will, to speak of the throng of
mistresses who occupied a part of the life of the Due d'Orleans ;
they were the source of so few incidents, however, that I do not
feel bound to add the long list of their names. My task will be
only too well filled in saying that all the tastes, all the caprices, all
the fantasies of which his senses, at first imperious, afterwards
impoverished, had need in order to be gratified or excited, were
resorted to by the Due d'Orleans.

I should like now to dwell here upon sweeter images,
in speaking of the women of a more elevated character, who
attached themselves to the Due d'Orleans. This prince som.e-
times reappeared in society, but always as in an enemy's
country, where he sought victims. The Princesse de Bouillon,^ the
Marquise de Fleury," the Princesse de Lamballe, each believed
herself loved by him, and proved to him that they loved him.
Their delicacy became, for his depraved mind, a new form of
libertinage, which satiated him like all the others. He .soon
abandoned them, but with a publicity, which, happily, produced
a contrary effect to that which the Due d'Orleans expected.
The public treated them with indulgence ; it pitied them, and
they afterwards made him forget their errors.

When speaking of the women who only figured for a while
in the life of the Due d'Orleans, I could not name Madame de
Sillery ; ^ she deserves a special mention.

he was one of the most active members of the opposition, and embraced with ardour
the principles of the Revolution. Under the Empire, he lived in retirement. Peer of
France in 1S14, he died in 1S32. Monvillevasa distinguished jiz;'(J7z/. He practised
mechanics and manufactured several agricultural machines.

1 Marie-Christine von Hesse Rheinfclz-Rothenburg, married in 176610 J.icqucs de
la Tour d'Auvergne, Prince de Bouillon, born in 1 746.

2 Claudine de Montmorency-Laval, born in 1750, married in 1768 to .Andre,
Marquis de Fleury.

^ Fclicite Ducrest de Saint-Aubin, Marquise de .Sillery, Comtesse de Genlis, born
in 1746 near Autiin. She married in 1762, Charles Prulart, Comte de Genli'% born in
1737, captain in the navy, who took the title of Marquis de Sillery on inheriting
his property some years afterwards. M. de Sillery, later Deputy to the States-
General, was guillotined with the Girondists, October3i, 1793. His wife, who retained
all her life the name of Comtesse de Genlis was appointed lady-of-honour to the
Duchesse de Chartres in 1770, governess to Madame Adelaide, and afterwards tutor
of the young princes d'Orleans. She emigrated with Madame Adelaide in 1792, and
retired to Switzerland and then to Berlin. She returned to France in iSoo, where she
was very well received at the Consular Court. Madame de Genlis wrote much. She

THE DUC U ORLEANS.

123

When one is a combination of ambition and moderation,
of communicativeness and of reserve, of rigidity and com-
placency, one is certainly a person whose life and intimacy
must offer extraordinary contrasts. It was by opposite means,
and which she never separated, that Madame de Genlis suc-
ceeded in all that her ambition desired. Being young, pretty,
without relations, it was by risking morning calls to men that
she found a husband ; later, she affected the height of prudery,
in a regular career of gallantries ; with the same pen, she
wrote The Knights of the Swan, and Lessons in Morals for
Children ; ^ on the same desk, she composed a church book for
Mademoiselle de Chartres and a speech to the Jacobins for
ihe Due d'Orleans. All her life presents the same contrasts.
Mademoiselle de Saint-Aubin — that was her name — had an
elegant figure but devoid of nobleness ; the expression of her
face was very lively ; she had little dash in conversation, little
charm in the habitual usage of her mind, but possessed at her
fingers' ends all the advantages that can be given by instruction,
observation, reserve, and the tact of the world. When she had,
for better or worse, married the Comte de Genlis, it became
necessary for her to make the acquaintance of her husband's
family, who, as she knew, were not well-disposed towards her.
Talents, affected timidity, and time enabled her, however, to
reach her aim. She managed to be invited at Sillery. In a
few days, she succeeded in winning the favour of M. de
Puysieux,^ one of the most wearied men of his time, and in
disarming the sour old temper of Madame de Puysieux. She
felt indeed that she was then truly in society ; and, moving in it,
for the first time, consequently brought all her methods into play ;
she showed herself caressing, attentive, gay without blundering,
and was even able to be continually complacent, with a shade

left a number of novels, and works on education. Under the Empire, she wrote every
other week in different periodicals, at the request of Napoleon himself. She left,
besides, interesting memoirs. She died in 1S30.

1 " Les Chevaliers du Cygne" — "Lemons de Morale pour les Enfants." The
former is not exactly intended to be placed in the hands of school-girls. {Translator.)

a Louis Bnilart, Marquis de Puyf.ieux and de SiUery, born in 1702, first entered the
army, was afterwards anibafsador at Naples (i735)> Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs (1747-1751), Minister of State up to 1756. He died in 1770. He was the
great-uncle of the Comte de Genlis and proprietor of the estate of Sillery.

124 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of compassion. This first success was of great use to her ; a few
doors were thrown open to her ; she obtained to be introduced
to the Duchesse de Chartres, who, by the protection she accorded
her, destroyed in a very short time all the little oppositions of
society which still existed. The Due de Chartres found her
charming, told her this, and was quickly listened to, for Madame
de Genlis, to avoid the scandal of coquetry, always yielded easily.
A few years of care, indulgence and retired life, gave her such
an ascendency over the Due de Chartres, that it has been supposed
that she had a kind of influence over his actions, or rather over
the events of his life. So skilful a conduct had its reward ; she
succeeded in being appointed governess or rather tutor of his
children. One can only see in this choice of the Due de Chartres,
the intention to appear peculiar, and to mark plainly his scorn
for accepted usages.

Madame de Genlis, proved, in the first works she published,
that she was capable of directing all that part of the education
which pertains to the mind. Their exceptional nature made o!
the eldest son of the Due d'Orleans, and of his daughter
]\Iademoisclle two superior beings.^ Tried, fortified, instructed
and ennobled by misfortune, they showed themselves simple
and great when they entered upon their natural destiny.

The best works of Madame de Genlis, with the exception of
Mademoiselle de Clermont, date from this time, and if to-day
she has fallen in reputation, and follows, without glory, in her
quality of woman of letters, a singular and ill-considered path, it is
because, intoxicated by her first successes, she yields to her pride
and no longer consults her judgment ; it is because she wishes
to manage the jealous independence of the public, as she
managed formerly the obedient submission of her pupils ; it is
because she cannot soften her morality to subjugate the public,
as she has formerly done to subjugate all who were around her.
I cannot resist remarking upon two things : one, that to com-
mand is so necessary to Madame de Genlis, that when she has
no more princes to domineer, she takes by chance the first
comer to make a pupil of him ; the other, that, in spite of the
rigidity of manners she advocates, and the morality she professes

' King Louis-Philippe and Madame Adelaide.

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 125

in her writings, one always meets in her later novels, something
of the freedom of her earlier manners ; there is always in them
some amoxirs or some illegitimate children. For whom, with
what object, does she still write ? It may be, perhaps, only from
love of fame ; she was more sensible in her youth.

All the youth of the Due d'Orleans was spent without plans,
w^ithout projects, without result, without discretion. All he
did bore the stamp of irreflection, frivolity, corruption, and
deceit' To instruct himself he went to see the experiments of
Preval ; he ascended in a balloon ; he assisted Cagliostro^ and
the Chevalier de Luxembourg ^ in their fantasmagoria ; he went to
the Newmarket races and to other fashionable places.

To increase his fortune, which was already immense, he made
speculations on the lands of the Palais-Royal,^ the dwelling of
Louis XI IL, Anne of Austria, Louis XIV., and ^x\-sX\y o{ Monsieur-,
by whom it became an appanage of the House of Orleans.

Later, in a moment of suspicion, after having announced

^ The history of this celebrated adventurer could form a novel made up of the most
curious adventures. Bom at Palermo in 1 745, his real name was Giuseppe Balsamo. He
travelled all over Europe, procuring resources by most disreputable means. He had
a certain knowledge of medicine and of chemistry, which enabled him, in working
skilfully upon popular credulity, to acquire an universal reputation as a magician
and healer. He came to France, where he took the name of Comte de Cagliostro.
He found a protector in the person of the Cardinal de Rohan. His house became
the meeting-place of all Paris, who ran to witness the prodigies of the skilful charlatan.
Compromised in the affair of the necklace,* he was exiled and went over to England ;
he then resumed his wandering life, and ended by settling in Rome in 1789. He was
arrested by order of the Inquisition, and accused of practising freemasonry. Con-
demned to death, his sentenced was commuted, and he died in prison in 1795.

- Anne de Montmorency-Luxembourg, known in his youth under the name of
Chevalier de Luxembourg, was born in 1742, was named Captain of the Guards (1767),
Marshal of Camp (1784). He died in 1790. He had accepted the title of Grand
Master of the lodge of Egyptian freemasonry, founded by Cagliostro.

"•' The Palais- Royal was built between the years 1629 and 1636, for the Cardinal de
Richelieu, by the architect Lemercier. It was called then the Palais-Cardinal. Richelieu
left it by will to Louis XIII. (1643). Under the regency, Anne of Austria came to
live there with Louis XIV. It was then that it took the name of Palais-Royal. Louis
XIV. gave it, in 1693, to his brother the Due d'Orleans. In 1763, it was burned and
re-built by the architect Moreau, who designed it as we see it to-day. Louis-
Philippe (grandson of the Recent) increased its dimensions considerably by buying
all round a large belt of lands. The Palais-Royal, having become the Palais
National under the Revolution, was used as the residence of the members of the
Tribunate. In 1814, it was returned to the family of Orleans. Under the Second
Empire, it became the dwelling of Prince Napoleon.t It is now devoted to the sittings
of the Cour des Comftn and of the Conscil cf£iat.

* See footnote 4, p. 59, Part I.

t Prince Jerome Napoleon, son of King Terome of Westphalia and of Queen Catherine of Wur-
temberg. By the death of the " Prince ImperiaJ," he has become the head of the Bonaparte family.
— (Translator.)

126 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

some days beforehand to Seguin, his treasurer, his wish to see
for himself the state of his treasury, he had him arrested in
his presence, carried away the keys, and seized by this means
all the money which Seguin, forewarned, had borrowed from his
own friends, in order to replace momentarily that which he had
invested in private speculations.

A spark of ambition made him desirous of appearing in the
squadron of M. d'Orvilliers,^ hoping thereby to acquire a title to
the extremely lucrative reversion of grand-admiral that belonged
to his father-in-law, the Due de Penthievre. He did not, however,
have this post, and doubts were raised as to his bravery.- To
prove his courage, he had himself applauded at some of the
theatres and crowned under the windows of Mademoiselle
Arnould.^ Paris amused itself then in a satirical but very unjust
song at his expense.

Some journeys to England, a run to Italy, remarkable only
for the rapidity with which it was performed ; the glory of being
elected Grand-Master of the freemasons ;■* after a rather serious
illness, a Te Deum sung by the lodge of the Nine Sisters f some

' Louis Guillouet, Comte d'Orvilliers, born at Moulins in 1708. He entered the
navy, became vice-admiral in 1764, and lieutenant-general. In 1777, he fought the
battle of Ouessant, ^vhich, although indecisive, was glorious for French arms. He
resigned in 1779, retired to a con\'cnt, emigrated in 17S9, and died in 1791.

2 To make up for his disappointment, the king appointed him to the office of colonel-
general of Hussars.

^ Sophie Arnould, a celebrated actress of the Opera (1744 to 1S03).

* The Due d'Orleans was elected Grand-Master in 1771, in which office he suc-
ceeded the Comte de Clermont. It was he who suppressed the Grand Lodge of France,
and replaced it by the Grand-Orient. I give here, as a curiosity, the acceptance of
the Due : "In the year of great light, 1772, third day of the moon of Jiar, fifth day of
the second month of the Masonic year, 5772 ; and since the birth of the Messiah, fifth day
of April 1772. In virtue of the proclamation made in the Grand Lodge, assembled on
the twenty-fourth day of the fourth month of the Masonic year 5771 by the very high,
vei-y mighty and very excellent prince U.S. II. Louis-Philippe-Joseph d'Orleans, Due
de Chartres, prince of the blood, as Grand-Master of all the regular lodges of France.
And of that of the sovereign council of the emperors of the East and of the West, sub-
lime mother lodge of Scotland, on the twenty-sixth of the moon ofEluI I77i,as sovereign
Cirand-Master of all the councils, chapiters and lodges of the great orb of France ;
an office which the aforesaid S.H. has willingly accepted for the love of the royal art,
and in order to concentrate under a single authority all the masonic operations. In
witness whertof, the aforesaid .S.H. has appended his name to the report of acceptance."

' The lodge of the Nine .Sisters was founded in 1776 by several men of letters and
of European fame. This rather profane name (the nine Muses) caused a deal of
trouble to the founders. Their lodge v/as even, for a time, erased from the list of the
order. It was nevertheless the most brilliant lodge of the day, Franklin, Helvetius,
Koucher, Voltaire himself, being members of it. In 1827, it amalgamated with the
lodge oi Saint-Louis de France., but ke[)t its original name.

THE DUC ly ORLEANS. 127

pleasures, or rather disorders of all kinds at Mousseaux.^ filled
the following years.

The Due d'Orleans was approaching the age when, with the
greater number of men, the passions of youth begin to weaken
and to yield to the sway of a new tyrant. Nevertheless, he did
not yet display symptoms of ambition, which latter is, doubtless,
more backward in hearts withered by depravity and shrunken by
combinations of personal interest.

An agitation which spread all over France, was, however, be-
ginning to manifest itself, and could already be heard in all parts
of the kingdom — those dull and distant rumblings, the forerunners
of volcanic outbreaks. The French people had been called, by the
government itself, to consider the situation of the finances, and
to hear the statement o{ the fortune of the State. A light so new
to their eyes had caused a lively sensation and made a profound
impression. An entirely new power was created in France, that
of public opinion. It was not the clear and firm opinion which
is the privilege of nations who have long and peaceably enjoyed
their liberties and the knowledge of their affairs, but that of an
impetuous and inexperienced people, who are only the more pre-
sumptuous in their judgments and more decided in their will. It
is this formidable instrument that M.de Calonne dared to under-
take to handle, in order to adjust the old springs of the govern-
ment. He summoned the Notables ; he divided them into
commissions, over each of which presided a prince of the royal
family or a prince of the blood. The presidency of the third
commission fell to the Due d'Orleans. He only made himself
noticed by his indifference and lack of application. Diligence at the
sessions would have required the sacrifice of his pleasures or of
his habits for a considerable time, and this he was not capable
of making. He began by absenting himself from the evening
sittings, and ended by neglecting the day meetings, to which he

1 The hamlet of Mousseaux or Monceau, now a district of Paris, belonged formerly
to the parish of Clichy. The fermi.jr-general de la Reynierehad acquired the lordship
of Monceau, where he possessed the chdteau of Belair. The Due de Chartres became
In turn its purchaser. He built on it a -.ountry seat called La Fohe de Chartres,
and designed around it a magnificent park. The Convention declared the Pare
Monceau national property. Later, the Emperor gave it to Cambaceres. Louis
XVIII. returned it to the Orleans family, which kept it until the passmg of the decree
of 1852, which made it definitively a national property.

128 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

came very late, and sometimes not at all. He pushed his frivohty
to the extent of going, during one of the sessions, to a hunt in
the woods of Raincy. The deer which he pursued was captured
in the ditches of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, under the eyes,
and to the great scandal of, the Parisians.

His partisans, not very numerous, thought to excuse his conduct
by remarking that, at least, he was no party to the intrigues,
which, after having scandalised the Assembly of the Notables,
had ended in annihilating all the hopes its meeting had given rise
to. This negative praise was not flattering ; for was there no
other part for the Due d'Orleans to play, on this memorable
occasion, but that of an intriguer .'' It was more than a century
and a half since France had seen her king summon so important
a council. The greatest lords, the first magistrates, the wealthiest
landowners of France, had met together to give their advice on
the principal questions of the administration. It was meant
thereby to oppose the power of a stronger and more enlightened
opinion to the resistance of th.t parlemcnt, to attack the Colossus
of ecclesiastical privileges, to cause the yield of the public rates and
taxes to balance the expenditure of the State by changing the
whole system of taxation, to pass long desired uniform laws on
the removal of the barrieres, on statute labour, on the freedom of
the corn trade, and many other impediments to national pros-
perity. It is easily conceived that the men or the organizations
threatened by these reforms would have done their utmost to
render them impossible, and that the swarms of ambitious men
whose aim it was to secure office, took possession of this vast field
to carry on their struggle. But that a prince of the blood, so
foreign to interests of this nature, should not have experienced
the noble temptation to crush all these petty intrigues under the
weight of his independence, that he should have viewed with
indifference all these symptoms of rebellion, that he should have
calmly looked on the dangers of the king, whose weakness was
so obvious and was so cruelly relied on, I cannot conceive, nor
can I account for it at all. He was bitterly reproached for it by
the nation, which took only too much interest in those debates,
and which had already lost too much of its former frivolous
character, to excuse a prince of the royal blood, scandalously

THE DUC U ORLEANS. 129

parading his indifference : and the murmurings of the public were
not slow in conveying to him all the severity of this judgment.

To thwart its effect, the advisers of the prince acknowledged
the necessity of a prompt proceeding and obtained his assent to it ;
but it must be easy of execution and require but little following
■up : it was necessary that the part to be performed should be in
proportion to the person who was to perform it.

The Due's chancellcyr was the Marquis Ducrest,^ one of
those adventurers whom the caprice of fortune sometimes raises
to the top of the tree, and who think they deserve such
favour. This man was venturesome to foolhardiness and confi-
dent even to imprudence. He had reached this post through the
influence of his sister, Madame de Genlis, and he sustained the
importance of his place with the adroitness of a charlatan, rather
than with the skill of a business man. The affairs of the Due
d'Orleans had the reputation of being well conducted, and this
reflected some credit on M. Ducrest. Financial projects were
then the mania. M. Ducrest thought fit to draw up a memorial
on the finances of the State, in which he proved easily that they
had, up to that time, been badly administered, and proposed, in
order to re-organize them, to follow the plans he had put into
practice in the administration of his master's fortune. It was
arranged that the Due d'Orleans should deliver this memorial to
the king, and he consented more willingly to doing this than to
discussing the arguments set forth in it. It was enough for him
that the plan should have publicity and should give him, with
little trouble, the appearance of displaying zeal. This scheme
was at first successful. The king received the memorial, and did
not allow its contents to transpire ; this was a treatment which its
author did neither wish nor anticipate. Piqued by this silence,
the Due composed a second memorial in Vv'hich he no longer
restricted himself to criticizing the operations of the ministry, but
openly attacked the persons of the ministers, and above all, the
Archbishop of Toulouse. As to the point in hand, he did not

1 Charles Louis, Marquis Ducrest, born in 1743. He was the brother of Madame
de Genlis. He served first in the navy, then in the army, where he was appointed
colonel of grenadiers in 1779. He was for some time chancellor of the Due d'Orleans,
with whom he quarrelled later. He emigrated to_ Holland, and died in 1824. He
left some works on political economy and various scientific treatises.

130 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

hold himself solely to the restoration of the finances, he went
directly to the root of the evil, and expressed the wish of
bringing back to the king the hearts of the French, which had
been estranged by the faults of the government. He proposed,
in order to accomplish both these ends at once, to establish
councils at the head of each of the sections of the administration,
and by this means to weaken the authority of the ministers.
But, at the same time, he wished for a supreme chief, a principal
leader at the head of the council, and declared himself ready to
consent to play this leading part provided that he was entrusted
with unlimited power, and supported by all the means public
opinion could devise to strengthen this power. He asked, in
consequence, that the title and post of superintendent of
finances, an office which had not been conferred since the
disgrace of Superintendent Fouquet, under the reign of Louis
XIV., should be re-established in his favour. The easy indul-
gence of Louis XVL, to whom the Due d'Orleans delivered this
second memorial, would only have repaid with scorn this un-
warrantable piece of impertinence. Chance did men justice by
divulging it. A copy of this document was found on the person
of the Comte de Kersalaun, a Breton nobleman whom the
governor of Brittany had had arrested in connection with matters
relating to his jurisdiction, and the secret thus spread abroad
enabled people to appreciate the modest talents of the chan-
cellor, and the prudence of his master.

This discovery exposed both to many jokes in verse and in
prose, of which we only cite the following epigram, as it may
serve to indicate the ruling tendencies in France, at this period
of the life of the Due d'Orleans : —

" Par tes projets bien entendus,
Modeste Ducrest, ;i tentendre,
A la reine, au roi, tu vas rendre
Les coeurs fraiK^ais qu'ils ont perdus.
Sans miracle cela peut etre ;
Helas ! ils n'ont qn'k le vouloir.
Mais, en prein-e de ton savoir,
Fais-nous avant aimer ton maitre.'' ^

^ " Thanks lo your well-concerted jilans,

If we are to believe you, unassuming Ducrest,

THE DUC Lf ORLEANS. 131

This first attempt to reconquer public favour having proved
a failure, the confidants of the Due d'Orleans did not lose
courage, and only considered themselves warned to arrange
matters better in future.

Occasions could not be rare at a time when the position of
affairs was changing and becoming more intricate every day.
The progress of ideas, more rapid even than that of events, was
prodigiously accelerated.

At the beginning of that same year, a meeting of Notables
had, as I have already said, surprised everybody, and in the
month of July following, the name of States-General was uttered
in the parlement of Paris itself with more enthusiasm than
surprise. The courts of justice everywhere abdicated their old
pretensions, to decide the amount of taxes to be raised. They
refused to register the edicts, and sent back the tax-laws to be
discussed by the States-General. The court, astonished at this
language, tried to intimidate the parlevtents ; that of Paris was
transferred to the city of Troves, and for other difficulties, the
parlement of Bordeaux removed to Libourne.^ This severity
had not been of long duration. The 'obstinacy of the magistrates
had not been inflexible ; half-way measures and intrigues, in
which M. and Madame de St^monviUe ^ (then Madame de

You will win back to the queen, and the king,

The French hearts they have lost.

Without uiiracie, too, that may be ;

Al.Ts ! they have only to wish it.

But first make us love your dear master.

And your power, perhaps, then we will credit."

1 T\\z parlement of Paris was exiled to Troves, August 15, 17S7, as a result of the
deliberation it had held on August 7 preceding, to protest against the lit de justice,
where the edicts on the stamp-duty and on the territorial subsidies had been regis-
tered by force. It was recalled on August 19 following ; the ministry had decided to
a^ree to these two edicts. As to the parlement of Bordenux, it had been exiled to
I-iboarne, at about the sa'ne time, for having protested against the creation of pro-
vineial assemblies. It had even forbidden the assembly of Limousin to meet again.

^ Charles Louis Hiiguet, Marquis de SemonviMe, born in 1759, was received as
counsellor at the parlemeiit of Paris in 1778. In spite of his opposition to the court,
he retained the favour of the king, was charged with negotiating the reconciliation of
Miralicau, and later, that of the Girondi-;ts. Minister at Geneva in 1791 ; minister
at Fkirence in 1793, where Danton sent him to negotiate the setting at liberty of the
royal family, he was arrested v.'ith his colleague, Maret (the future Due de Bassano),
and suffered thirty monihs' captivity. On the iSth Hrumaire he was named minister to
Holland. Senator in 1805, he took no part in pohtic^ under the Empire. Peer of
France in 1S14 ; grand relerendaiy of the court. He kept aloof during the Hundred
Days, took up his ftiRcti-.ns again'in 1S15, and kept them until 1S30. He then made
some'efforts to save the Bourbon monarchy. Nevertheless, he retained his office under

K 2

132 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Montholon) appear for the first time, in different capacities, had
brought about a temporary reconciliation ; but it was only a
truce, and even though the measures taken seemed more con-
ciliatory, public opinion gradually assumed a more menacing
aspect. The ears of the ministers became familiar with the name
of States-General ; they entered into new engagements on every
occasion ; the efforts of the ministry were directed onl)' to
putting off the meeting of this assembly until the year 1792.
This delay they must gain, and, in the meantime, face the
taxes, pay off the sums about to fall due, or already so, and meet
extraordinary expenses ; and for so many needs, the ministry
mentioned no other resource than that of a loan open for five
successive years, and whose capital was to reach four hundred
millions.

In order to palliate the effect of this enormous demand, they
spoke on the one hand of reforms, economies, and ameliorations ;
while on the other, they added to the bursal edict a law fa\T.ur-
able to the non-Catholics, a law that the government believed
conformable to the prevailing ideas and calculated to rally
many supporters. It had certainly never stood in greater need
of them. The critical mind prevailed everywhere ; ever)'body
prided himself on being an opponent, it was the general dispo-
sition ; it animated all the corporations, it prevailed in all the
writings ; all men vied with each other as to who should attack
a ministry that no one dared to defend, and which, after all
perhaps, had no more dangerous enemy than its own incapacity
So it was easy to win victories over it, and, w^hatevcr might be
the issue of this contest, to ha\-e public opinion in one's favour.

The friends of the Due d'Orlcans pressed him to aspire to
that easy success, by which various other interests could be
satisfied at the same time. He was not without experiencing
some resentment at having been met with a refusal, the last time
he had asked to be authorized to go to England ; for the princes
of the blood could not go out of France without the permission
of the king. Political reasons, easy to be conceived, placed all

the new government. He died in 1S39. Semonville manied Mademoiselle de
Rostain, widow of the Comte de Montliolon. W'n step-son was General de Monthulon,
who accompanied Napoleon to Saint Helena. One of hi'; step-daughters married
General Joubert, and on her second marriage, Marshal Macdonald.

THE D UC n ORLAA NS. i 33

the members of the reigning house in a sort of dependence on
its head for all the important actions of their private life, — a sort
of legitimate subjection, inasmuch as it is useful for the public
good, and, in truth, very easy to support when so. many enjoy-
ments make up for it. The Due d'Orleans in vain affected to
ignore the cause of that refusal which had so offended him ; it
was none the less obvious to observant eyes. Some scandalous
reports were circulating in France as to his conduct during his
first two journeys, and Louis XVI., as the friend of decency and
good manners, wished to spare him a new occasion for indulging
his disorderly conduct and parading it before the eyes of a
neighbouring nation.

Perhaps this refusal to the Due d'Orleans was dictated, in
some measure, by the dread of the influence of the examples and
habits of a free country. Such a fear was puerile at this period
of history, and insulting to English liberty, for it would have
been a good thing for the Due d'Orleans to acquire a taste for
and understand the principles of it. He would thus have learned
to know what true liberty is, and have understood that each
individual has duties to perform, that the most eminent in the
social scale must set the example of respect to the king, and that
it is a crime to sacrifice public interest to one's own resentments.
Those of the Due d'Orleans were more particularly directed
against the queen, and they were kept up by a constantly in-
creasing series of society quarrels. Sharp words were bandied
about on both sides, and courtiers were not wanting to report
them to those at whom they were aimed.

Such miserable wranglings only had too great an influence
on the fate of the unfortunate queen. Why was it, that from the
height of this throne where her beauty alone was rivalled by her
greatness she should ever have consented to take part in quarrels
which she ought to have ignored .? Sovereigns are doomed to
reign without relaxing ; they should never permit themselves
to forget the importance of their private actions, for they can
never cause them to be forgotten by those who surround them, and
their negligence simply gives birth to hatred, their least prefer-
ence to jealousy, and their slightest offence to implacable
resentment.

134 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The Due d'Orleans saw himself each day farther removed
from that familiar society of which the queen had given the
first example to the court of France, and of which Little Trianon
was the ordinary rendezvous. To several fetes in this delightful
garden, to that,^ among others, which the queen gave there for
the archduke, her brother, the Due d'Orleans was not invited.
It is true that no prince of the blood was favoured on this
occasion. Disagreements of another character likewise kept the
Prince de Conde ^ and his family away from the parties given at
Little Trianon. At the gates of this charming retreat, the
queen felt that she could lay aside the chains of her grandeur.
Queen at Versailles, she believed she paid there her debt to the
august rank she occupied ; privately at Trianon, she wished
to be there only the most amiable of women and to know only
the sweetnesses of intimacy. Seeing that no one had absolutely
a right to the favour of being admitted to these little excursions,
it was only the more desirable, and the more calculated to excite
the desire of being invited. The Due d'Orleans could not conceal
his envy, even under the cloak of indifference. At one of these
fetes, he planned with some ladies of the court as little in favour as
he was, the means of mingling with the people admitted to look
at the illuminations ; and, having thus penetrated into the
garden, he avenged himself, for not having been invited, by such
loud jeering and noisy gaiety that the queen was informed of it,
and keenly hurt.

These little fits of animosity had so irritated the Due
d'Orleans that it was not difficult to lead him on to more serious
measures of opposition. The sway of fashion alone would
have sufiieed to decide him. What was there to be feared in a
faction Avhich the pettiest bailiwick of the kingdom joined with
impunity, and of which the courtiers professed the principles even
in the very antechambers of the king. The Due d'Orleans had

^ Fete given to Jo'^eph II., at Trianon, on the occasion of his visit to France,
June 13, 1777,

' Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, son of the Due de Bourbon, who
was first minister under Louis XV., and fourth descendant of the great Conde. i'.orn
in 1736, he took an active part in the Seven ^'ears War, emigrated in 17S9, and
became the chief of that body <A eniigi-(.'<:, who took from tliat time the name of Army
of Conde. He retired to EnL,dand in iSoi, re-entered Fiance at the Kestoration, and
died in 1818. He had married the dauijhter of the Marshal Prince de Soubise.

THE DUC n ORLEANS. 135

only to present himself, in order to be proclaimed leader of the
malcontents at a time when everybody was, or affected to be,
one. This position was often presented to his imagination by
the men who had succeeded in gaining his confidence. It belongs
to my subject to make them known, for what would history be
if it painted but the surface alone, without ever penetrating into
the inner life of men who have played a prominent part, and
without disclosing the motives which caused them to act ?

I have already sketched the character of Chancellor Ducrest,
who held the first place in the house of the Due d'Orleans. M.
de Limon,^ had, under M. Ducrest, the duties and the title
of Intendant of Finances. He was a business man, adroit be-
yond measure ; he had had the management of the pecuniary
interests oi Monsieur. The estate of the former Due d'Orleans
had just been proved ; it was of enormous value, but involved,
and the co-heirs raised all sorts of difficulty. M. de Limon suc-
ceeded in clearing this chaos, and making the brother and the
sister- satisfied with each other and with himself. By this service,
he secured the confidence of the Due d'Orleans ; and he was
not a man who would not make the most of it for himself.
While following the litigation relative to the estate, he had made
the acquaintance of the chief members o( th.e parleinc?tt of Paris,
who, being then engaged in higher politics, had willingly wel-
comed the intendant of a prince whose name could give weight
to their opinions. As for M. de Limon, he had detected some
hope of making himself necessary, and he cultivated carefully
his new acquaintances, in order that no one could dispute with
him the part of medium between the prince and \.]\^ parlement.

M. de Limon found himself powerfully aided by Abbe
Sabatier de Cabre, one of the most stirring members of the
parlcmcnts of that time. A friend of Madame de Sillery, it
had been easy for the abbe, who attracted general notice by
a rare effrontery, a seducing imagination, a sort of eloquence,
abundant, fantastic and fertile of abuse, to gain access to the

' The Marquis Geoffroy de Limon was comptrollcr-reneral of the Due d'Orle'ans.
Deeply dtvoted to this piince, he assumed, during the Revolution, a laiher equivocal
attitude. It is even pretended that he wanted to have the Comte d'Arto.-; poisoned.
After hr.vinR been a fervent patriot, he er.'.igrated, and became a lirm royalist. He it
-was who d'ew up the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick. He died in 1779.

' Madame, the Duchesse de Bourbon.

136 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

intimacy of the Due d'Orleans. He pleased the latter, and
soon succeeded in leading him on. Though enjoying no
esteem in tho. parlement, he possessed some influence there. His
fellow counsellors had accused him of having been the spy of the
last ministry ; he cleared himself by harassing the new one. It
was he who, on July i6, 17S7, suggested, in the meeting of the
courts, the convocation of the States-General ; and this bold
novelty had been greatly instrumental in drawing attention
to him.

What an advantage for a man of this stamp if he could
succeed in drawing the Due d'Orleans into a series of under-
takings, respecting which his incapacity would each day increase
his dependence ! Sabatier understood that he must above all
smooth the difficulties before the prince, that he must not hope
to conquer his frivolity, but rather confine himself to exacting
little from him in order to conciliate all his failings. So the
prince had merely to rehearse the part arranged by the abbe
for his appearance on the stage of public affairs. The loan of
four hundred millions of which I have already spoken furnished
the occasion for it. It is from then that the part taken in
public affairs by the Due d'Orleans ought really to be dated.

In order to better understand this incident, it is necessary
to make known a few of the forms observed then in France,
when the government had need to borrow. The edicts which
created the loans, and which determined its conditions, had the
character of laws, and, like other laws had to be transcribed
on the registers of the parkmcnts of the kingdom. This
formality, which sanctioned the engagement of the State,
secured the lenders. But to produce such powerful effects,
was simple form sufficient } Could the mere act of a
m.aterial transcription constitute a public obligation, and
mortgage the revenues of the State .-' Was not then the regis-
tering in the parlanciits an approval of measures included in
the edict .-' And does not the right of approval suppose that of
disapproval } Was not tlie registering a witness of the national
consent ; and could this consent be sufficient]}' expressed by a
mechanical operation, blind and perfectly passive .'' All these
questions recurred without ceasing, and being always eluded,

THE D UC U ORL^A NS. 137

never made clear, were an inexhaustible source of debates and
intrigues. At each new loan, a struggle was necessary against a
resistance into which the magistrates were drawn by their natural
propensit}^, for their power being purely negative, they could
only exercise it by refusals. Besides, they had not, and could
not have, any acquaintance with the needs of the State, nor with
its resources. It was only, then, by general reasons that they
could be convinced, and to give value to these general reasons,
there must be found means of persuasion for each magistrate.
This duty was entrusted to the first president ; and when he
met with too many difficulties, the king was told he must
display his authority. It was then that he summoned a /// de
justice.

This kind of assembly, of which one can form no adequate
idea from the name it bears, was, in fact, the annihilation of the
remnant of liberty and of justice, which had taken refuge with
the resistance offered by the parlevients. Thus M. de Fontenelle
was justified in saying that a lit dc justice was a bed where
justice slept. Whether the king came himself to sit in the
courts of the parlenient, or whether he obliged its members to
call personally with the registers at his palace, the ceremony
reduced itself to a reprimand pronounced by the monarch and
commented upon by the chancellor. The advocate-general of
the king arose next to expose and often to blame the motive of
the edicts, concluding, nevertheless, that they must receive
without delay the character of laws. For, it is to be remarked
that the presence of the king did not deprive the advocate-
general of the liberty of expressing his opinion, though it
imparted a certain direction to his summing-up. When all
these speeches were delivered, the king ordered the transcription
of the edict on the register of laws, and after this act of authority
to which the magistrates had no means of offering resistance,
there remained to them no other resource than that of remon-
strance, a species of tardy warning having a direct action on
public opinion, and often hindering the progress of affairs.

It is also necessary to bear in mind that the lits de justice
were the corruption of an ancient French custom according to
which the kings had formerly rendered justice in person, in the

138 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

bosom of the. parleme7it, and in the midst of the princes of their
blood, and of the peers of their kingdom. At these royal
sittings, all the judges gave their opinions ; the king had only
his own vote and delivered a verdict as expressed by the majority.
But his presence at the trial of private cases gave weight to
the measure there adopted — that was the greatest defect of this
exercise, otherwise so respectable, of the functions of royalty.
It was understood later, that if justice is the debt of kings, this
debt is better discharged when they do not discharge it personally.
Thus the king no longer attended the trial of cases ; but he had
retained his right of sitting in the midst of the judges. He only
made use of it, as a rule, to enjoin personally the registering
of some laws, and to overcome any opposition to it this
visit was named a /// de Justice ; the direct result of this insti-
tution was that even in the matter of taxes and loans, the king
was sole and absolute legislator ; for the co-operation of the parle-
vients could always be reduced to a purely passive action ; and
in fact, they had no part in the making of the laws, the passing
of which they had no right to propose, nor to prevent.

The only counterpoise to the royal power consisted in the
national manners, and in public opinion, which gives force to the
law in well-constituted countries, and which, in purely despotic
countries, fills the lack of institutions. This impalpable force
was certainly most real in matters of loans ; for the govern-
ment might indeed call for capital, and it is confidence, and
well-founded confidence which brings it. The Archbishop of
Toulouse, i\Iinister of Finances, recognized this truth ; the need
of more than four hundred millions to assess on the five }. cars to
follow, was each day more fully demonstrated to him. He
understood, at the same time, that if this loan were only regis-
tered by force, it would be announced under too unfavourable
auspices and would never be covered. The lits de justice
had become odious. He could not count upon a free consent ;
he feared the results of a consent too openly wrenched. He felt
the need of bringing authority into action, and, at the same time,
of dissimulating this action. He thought then of getting the
king to hold a sitting in the parlcuicnt of Paris ; a sitting wliich
should be a compound of a /// dc justice and of the old n i\-al

THE DUC U ORLEANS. 139

sessions. Of these he borrowed the name which was not dis-
credited, and the mode of suffrage, which permitted each member
oi paricineni to give his opinion, and develop his arguments. He
retaired the essential parts of the lits de justice, the right to
enforce the registering, without regard to the plurality of votes
or the wish of the majority.

On November 19th, 17S7, the king presented himself at nine
o'clock in the morning at the /ar/r;«(??z/. The Ducd'Orleans was
there, and the other princes of the blood, with the exception of
the Prince de Conde, who was then occupied in holding the
estates of Burgundy. The king brought with him two edicts,
one of which related to the creation of the loan of four hundred
millions, and formed the principal object of the session, while
the second, which was on the civil condition of the non-Catholics,
had onl}- been conceived in order to throw some favourable light
on the bursal ^6.'\z\..

The king opened the session by a speech divided into two
parts ; in the first, he announced that he had come to consult
his parlcnient of Paris on two great acts of administration and
of legislation. He developed very little of the purpose of these,
]ea\-ing, as was customary, to his Keeper of the Seals, the care
of the details and of the explanations. In the second part,
he took occasion to reply to the remonstrances that the
parlevient of Paris had addressed to him in favour of the
parlonent of Bordeaux, which had been punished by a re-
moval to Libourne for having raised difficulties relative to the
registering of a law on the provincial assemblies. The king, in
this part of his speech, employed a tone of authority, which
being affected and not even sustained during the little time he
spoke, served only to make perceptible by its variations, the
hesitatir)ns of his character.

The Keeper of the Seals ^ spoke after him; his discourse
embraced a vast plan ; he commenced by attacking directly the

1 The Keeper of the Seals was then Chretien Francois, Marquis de Lamoignon,
cousin of the illustrious Malesherbes. Counsellor to the parUvicnt of Paris, then
first pre-Kl-nt of that court, he was exiled in 1772 ; he was appointed Keejier of the
Seals in 17S7, in the place of De Miromesnil ; he drew up and presented to the
/fl;7<-/«.;)7/ the edicts relative to the stamp duty and to a territorial tax. He resigned
in I7:^8, and died in the fullowing year. His son was peer of France under the
Restoiation. With him the family of Lamoignon became extinct.

I40 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

demand made by \h^parlement for an immediate convocation of
the States-General. Without a positive refusal, he seemed to
oppose to this demand some maxims on the absolute power of
the king, which rejected the demand and made it depend
entirely upon the king's will. His constitutional system was
drawn from the most absolute doctrines ever professed by French
ministers at any period in our history.

From these principles which he gave as a peremptory response
to the demands and the decisions of the parlevieJits, the Keeper
of the Seals passed to the examination of the proposed laws.
He descanted on the value of the ameliorations already or-
dered by the king, his measures of economy, the retrenchments,
which he desired to make in his personal pleasures rather
than on the establishments devoted to the defence or to the
splendour of the State. He presented as a work of genius the
skilful conception of a loan of four hundred millions which
would suffice at the same time to extinguish other more onerous
debts, to make useful improvements, to fill the deficit in the
revenue, to meet the foreseen and unforeseen expenditure during
five years, and even the cost of a war, — for which it was said every
measure had been taken, — if such a misfortune should break out,
in spite of the justified hopes the king entertained of its being
deferred for a long time by the wisdom and firmness of his
negotiations. (It was thus that the minister dared to describe
the conduct of the court of France towards Holland during the
course of the year 17S7.)

This description of the benefits of the present administration
led finally to the new edict on the non-Catholics.^ The Keeper
of the Seals called attention to the great advantages that this
increase of population would give to industry ; the benefit
accruing to society from new citizens ; the laws at last re-
conciled with nature and manners. But all could see the
object of this philanthropy adopted for the circumstance, and
no one would have thought of irritating the minister by adjourn-

' The edict of 1787 on the Protestants returned to them a civil status which they
had lost after the revocation of the edict of Nantes. It is known that the re-isters
relative to birtlis, marriages, and deaths were held solely by the cures, so that the
Cath'dics alone profited by them. As to tlie Pr. teslants, their marriages were not
recognized, and their children were considered as illegitimate by law.

THE DUC n ORLEANS. 141

ing these benefits of a tolerant legislation, provided the sanction
of the loan which was to bring four hundred millions into the
public treasury had been voted without delay.

After the Keeper of the Seals had finished his exposition
of the subject under examination, the deliberation followed
its course, and took the usual form of sessions of parlemcnt.
The rappoTtenr of the court was first listened to on the subject
of the edict for the loan. This rapporteur was one of the
magistrates charged with examining all the laws that the
government sent to the parlemcnt for registering. This magis-
trate was always chosen by the ministry among the oldest
judges who formed between themselves a privileged section
called the Grand' Chambre, which they entered only by length
of service according to their order of reception. The title
of rapporteur of the court was not that of an office, but of a
place of trust ; it was the road to ambition and to fortune ; it
was conferred almost always on an ecclesiastic, because, of all
the means of recompensing and enriching a man, the easiest
and the cheapest was to give him abbeys. It was in this post
that Abbe Terray -^ commenced his reputation and his fortune ;
after him, an exception was made by giving this post to
M. d'Ammecourt, protege of the house of Orleans. M. de
Calonne, who suspected M. d'Ammecourt of serving the minister
unfaithfully, because he wished to become minister himself,
dismissed him. Abbe Tandeau succeeded M.dAmmecourt ; he
had not the astonishing ability, the great aptitude for affairs, the
very composed appearance of that magistrate ; but the essential
part of the office was to repeat faithfully the instructions received
from the council, to reply to the questions which might be asked
by a few explanations, too trivial to really enlighten, but sufficient
to appease the pretensions of the large number, more eager for
consideration than for enlightenment. Such was on this occasion
the report of Abbe Tandeau, a long and fastidious comment
on the edict. He concluded by saying that the extreme im-

^ Joseph Terray, born at Been (Forez) in 1715. He was at first counsellor of
parli":ait. and took always in parliamentary struggles the part of the court. He
was recompensed by being named rapporteur (1775). Comptroller-general in 1 769,
he became all powerful, after the downfall of Choiseul, with Maupeou and d' Aiguillon.
Exiled by Louis XVI., he died in 1778.

142 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

portance of such a loan would induce him to ask to have a
commission named to examine the edict and make a report on
it, if the presence of his Majesty did not apprise him that he had
come into the bosom of his parlement to seek there a definitive
opinion.

After the speech of the rapportetir, the discussion was opened :
each member in his turn was invited by the first president to give
his opinion. The Due d'Orleans in a very few words advocated
the rejection of the edict. This was the first action in which he
openly declared himself against the court.

Those orators whose talent and character caused them to be
listened to ordinarily with more interest, redoubled their efforts
on this day to make themselves noticed by the king and to
produce an impression upon him. The presence of the sovereign
indicated nothing likely to intimidate courage and discard the
truth ; he was said to have come to the Court of Peers in
order to obtain the opinion of his natural counsellors. What
a glorious success for the magistrates, if, by power of word, they
should succeed in withdrawing the king from the seductions of
mediocrity, striking his mind with the light of reason, in touching
his heart by the picture of the evils from which France was
suffering, and which she did not attribute to him.

M. d'Esprcsmenil's^ object was, above all, to achieve this
latter point. He was reputed the first orator among the mem-
bers of the parlement opposed to the court, and he did not
deceive the hopes of his party. On this important occasion,
his speech was a special appeal to the personal feelings of the
king. He begged him to put aside the advice of his minister,
the settled opinions of his council, to weigh without prejudice the
truths he was about to hear, and to allow himself to be influenced

^ Jean Jacques du Val d'E«;presmeni), born at Pondichery, January 30, 1746, was
the son of Jacques d'Espresnienil, Governor of Madras. His mother was the daughter
of the ilhistiious Diipli-ix. Having come to P'raiice at five years of age, young
d'Espresmenil was received as counsellor o{ parlciuitil in I 775 ; he put himself at the
head of the o|>posi'ion. He it was who provoked the resistance of his colleagues to
the edicts of Brienne suppressing all the p':rUineuls. Arrested for this, he uas de-
tained some time in the island of .Sainle- Marguerite. Deputy of the nobility to the
States-General, he became one of the firmest defenders of the monarchy, and when he
found his efforts povveiless, he left the assembly never to re-enter it {1791). He was
nearly murdered, August 10. Imprisoned at the Abbaye, he escaped by a miracle
from the massacres of September. Arrested anew a few months after, he was
guillotined in 1 794. His wife shaied the same fate.

THE DUC UORL±ANS. 143

by the convictions they would carry with them. He entreated
him to believe himself in the bosom of his family, surrounded
by his children, and not to restrain the emotions that this sweet
situation ought to awaken in his paternal heart.

Each orator seized the points that were most suited to his
usual views, and to the nature of his talent. The austere
Robert de Saint-Vincent,^ recapitulating all that had been
said by the Keeper of the Seals and the rapporteur of the
court, on the actual sum of the charges of the State and the
insufficiency of the revenues, on the eventual ameliorations
and a recognized deficit, on the future economies and a present
poverty, found that the loan had no other guarantee than an
enormous deficit ; that they could not, without fraud, mortgage
for a new debt the old taxes already given as a guarantee for
the preceding loans ; and that the parlement would share in the
responsibility of this crime if it sought the confidence of the
lenders, by covering, by the credit of its registering, the bottom-
less abyss into which they would precipitate their capital.

M. Freteau, whose too ready elocution was nourished by a
badly arranged knowledge, astonished the king and the assembly
by the comparisons with which his memory furnished him. He
attacked directly the irregularity of the double position of the
Keeper of the Seals, who, while still in possession of the office
of first president of the parleuient of Paris, came into the midst
of this court to fill there the functions of minister, drawing up
projects of law in the council, and pretending to deliberate on
these same projects in the parlevient, accumulating thus sanction
with initiative, the partiality of a maker of projects with the
impartiality of a magistrate. He concluded with proposing
nothing less than excluding M. de Lamoignon from the sitting
when they should come to count the votes. Abbe Lecoigneux
established the same motive of exclusion against M. Lambert,^

1 Robert de Saint- Vincent (i 725-1799) was the issue of an old family of
magistrates. Counsellor \.o parkmmt in 1748, he always displayed hostility to the
cou'rt, notably in the affair of the necklace. He emigrated at the Revolution, and

died in 1799. ^ „ ^ ; .

2 Charles Guillaume Lambert, bom in Paris in 1727. Counsellor of /ar/«.if«/
Councillor of State, member of the Council on Finances, member of the assembly of
the not.ables. Deprived of his honours in August, 17SS, he was re-instated in August,
1789. On October 19, 1790, the Assembly decreed that he had lost the confidence

144 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

comptroller-general, who had none the less taken his seat as
honorary counsellor.

Abb6 Sabatier, whom I have already named as one of the
counsellors of the Due d'Orleans, flattered the king by enco-
miums which rendered only more cutting the bitter satire which
he pronounced against the ministers. He insisted on his favourite
project, the convocation of the States-General. He dwelt upon
the incapacity of the parlements to win and retain the public faith
for the future, and insisted that the assemblies of the nation should
meet and re-seize the conduct of their affairs, and put an end to
the depredations for which they alone possessed the remedy.

A few speakers spoke in favour of the edict. The court was
not without partisans in this numerous assembly. Foremost
among those who declared for it, was the Due de Nivernais,^
who, at the time of the affairs of 1771, had made himself noticed
by his opposition to the plans of Chancellor Maupeou. Men
rarely keep their energy to the end of their career. Courtiers
age early, and nearly all the men who age early become
courtiers.

Seven hours were devoted to this discussion, to which the
king listened with sustained attention, and often with manifest
interest. He had, above all, to guard himself against the im-
pression apparently produced upon him by the discourses of
MM. d'Espresmenil, Sabatier and Freteau. But, in this respect
he had been well trained.

After having heard all the speakers, the moment was come to
collect the votes, and to count them, when the Keeper of the
Seals was seen to rise, approach the king, take his orders, and
return to his place. Then the king pronounced these words :
" I ordain that the edict providing for ... be transcribed on

of the nation. He retired on December 4 following. Arrested in February, 1793, he
was guillotined a few days after.

^ Louis-Jules Mancini-Mazarin, Due de Nivernais, was the grandson of the Due
de Nevers, who was the nephew of Cardinal Mazarin. Born in 1716, he married
Mademoiselle de Ponchartrain, sister of M. de Maurepas. He had by her a daughter,
who married the Cointe de Gisars, son of the Marshal de Belle-Kle, killed at Crevelt
in 1758. Nivernais followed at fir^t the career of the army, and fought in the
campaigns of Italy (1734), of Bohemia ( 1 742), of Bavaria (1745)- He was afterwards
ambassador at Rome, then at Berlin (1756), and at London (176::). Under the
Revolution, he declined to emi:;rate. Imprisoned during the Terror, he was delivered
on the 9th Thermidor, and died in 179S.

THE DUC n ORLEANS. 145

the registers of my parlement, to be executed according to its
form and tenor."

It was now that the Due d'Orleans was to appear upon the
scene. But better to understand the proceeding agreed upon for
him, it is necessary to pay attention to the expressions employed
by the king. The formula he had just used would have been
the proper formula, if the session had been really a royal session,
that is to say, if the deliberation had been completed by the call
for the votes, and if the king had not ordained anything except
as a consequence of the known and stated wish of the majority.
But it was precisely this essential characteristic of all deliberations
of an assembly which was lacking in this. They had discussed
freely, but had not taken the votes. It is believed, that if a
minister, more courageous and more skilful, had dared to count
the votes, the result would have been favourable to the edict. It
is certain that all measures had been taken to secure a majority.
They had chosen the moment of the year when the vacations of
the parlement were strictly finished, but a well-known custom
prolonged them far beyond the legal term. So great a number
of members were absent, that of six presidents there were only
four at the session, while the Archbishop of Toulouse had not
failed to notify in advance those upon whom he relied.
Besides, they had swelled the numbers of the assembly beyond
measure, with ordinary counsellors, who seldom made use of
their right of entrance ; maftres des requites, dependent by reason
of their situation, had been chosen, and who were still more de-
pendent by their character or their ambition. In spite of so
many precautions, the ministers had not dared to make an
appeal to the majority which they would have been so happy,
however, to see prevail, and the sitting ended in a regular lit
de justice, infallible sign of terror for the support it had wished
to attract. One cannot avoid remarking the imprudence and
timidity displayed on this occasion.

The ministers had thought to remedy all by not having the
king pronounce in the order of registering, the characteristic
words of a lit de justice : by jny express command. In withholding
these words, they flattered themselves that they would impose
upon the public, and believed that they could maintain that the

VOL. I. L

146 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

king had held a royal session. Therefore, to deprive them of

this subterfuge was to deal them the finishing stroke ; this was

exactly the master-stroke that the counsellors of the Due

d'Orleans had managed for him. Hardly had the king finished

speaking than the Due d'Orleans arose and said : " If the king

holds a session oi parlement, the votes ought to be collected

and counted ... if it is a lit de justice he imposes silence upon

us." He stopped then, and the king not replying, he continued

thus : " Sire, allow me to lay at your feet, my protest against the

illegality of your orders." It is necessary to revert to the ideas

then ruling in France, to the principles of authority then in force,

to grasp the effect which must have been produced by the first

instance of a prince of the blood making a protest in the midst

o{ parlcment, and attacking as null and void, in the presence of

the king himself, the orders he had just given.

The whole history of the monarchy offers nothing like it.
Princes of the blood had been seen to resist with arms in hand
the power of the king ; they had never been seen to try to
impose constitutional limits to his authority.

The king, surprised and embarrassed, said with precipitation :
" That is legal." And he gave orders for the reading of the
second edict to be proceeded with on the instant. As soon as
it was finished, he arose and went out with his two brothers,
after a sitting of eight hours and a half, which had greatly dis-
turbed him, and furnished him with many causes for uneasiness.
The princes and peers, and with them the Due d'Orleans,
arose and accompanied him according to custom, then returned
immediately to take up again the deliberation which recom-
menced with more heat. The partisans of the court wished to
break up the sitting, and to adjourn for a week to give time for
minds to calm down. They represented that Messieurs (this
was the parliamentary expression) were exhausted with fatigue
and that they had need of repose.

M. Lepelletier de Saint-Fargeau,-' who, in spite of his ex-

^ Louis Michel Lepelletier, Couite de Saint-Faigeau, belonged to an ancient family
of magi ;trales. Born in I 760, he was successively advocate-general, (\\e.n prhi(Lnt h
morticr \\\ the /d/Vtv/Zi-;//' of Paris. DL-puly of the nobility to the States-General, he
•was at first a prominent defender of llie monarchy. Alone with the Comte dc Mirc])oix,
he refused to unite with the Third Estate, in spile of the order of the king (June 27,

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 147

treme youth, was already prhidcnt a viortier, proposed also an
adjournment, but only until the morrow. This advice was ap-
propriate to the feebleness of his mind and the pusillanimity of
his character, which caused him constantly to try to propitiate
all parties, until republicanism, becoming dominant in France,
fixed his resolution. He little expected then to merit one day as a
republican the honours of a martyr and the laurels of apotheosis.

On this day, he was strongly opposed by Abbe Sabatier,
who, classing together the two dilatory opinions to destroy them
at the same time, maintained " That Messieurs ought to have
hunger and thirst only for justice, and that they ought to con-
secrate to it the remainder of the present day, not being assured
that the morrow would be at their disposal." In pronouncing
these words he tried to give to his accents a somewhat prophetic
character. Abbe Sabatier then invited the Due d'Orleans to
draw up his protest in writing, and for fear the memory of
the prince might not be accurate, he found in his own and sug-
gested to him the expressions, that he believed lie Jiad Jicard him
utter. With this aid the Due d'Orleans did what was asked of
him, and had it written on the registers of the parlement, that,
immediately after the order of the king to register the edicts,
he had risen and made the following protest :

" Sire, I beg your Majesty to permit me to lay at your
feet, and in the midst of the court, the declaration that I regard
this registering as illegal, and that it would be necessary for the
security of the persons who are accounted as participating in
it, to add that they did so by the express command of the king."

After a little debate, the resolution proposed by Abbe
Sabatier prevailed, in these terms :

" The court, considering the illegality of what has just passed
at the royal sitting, in which the votes were not counted in the
manner prescribed by the ordinances, so that, in short, the
deliberation was not completed— declares that it wishes to be
understood as taking no part in the transcription ordered to be

1789). After July 14, he suddenly changed his colours, and enrolled himbelf in the
most advanced revohitionary party. Deputy of Yonne to the Convention, he displayed
most violence in the trial of the king ; he demanded his being put on trial, voted
his death, and r-rfused the appeal to the people. On January 20, following, he was
assassinated at the Palais-Royal by a former body-guard named Paris. He was given
a solemn funeral service at the Pantheon.

L 2

148 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

made on the registers, of the edict regarding the establishment of
loans, gradual and successive, for the years 17S8, 1789, 1790,
1791, and 1792, and puts off the deliberation of other matters to
the next sitting."

They closed the sitting at eight o'clock in the evening. The
Due d'Orleans had carried off all the honour of this day, and it
must be acknowledged that all had been planned and conducted
with great skill by him and by his friends.

The minister, who had only been able to resort to trivial
means to sustain the already tottering royal authority, found his
ends defeated by the protest of the Due d'Orleans, and by the
resolution of the parkvicnt, which exposed to the broad daylight
the ruse employed by the government, and proved its weakness.

While all was thus succeeding with the Due d'Orleans, in the
interior of the Palais de Justice, agents stationed outside were
publishing the proceedings of the sitting, and proclaiming the
name of the prince of the blood who had shown himself so good a
citizen. The people besieged the Palais in crowds, and could
be heard speaking of the pluck and success of the Due
d'Orleans. When he appeared to enter his carriage, the waves
of this fickle people carried him there, overwhelming him with
the most flattering applause. The liberator of his country could
not have had a more splendid triumph. He whom they had
greeted a few days before with sarcasms, was to-day covered
with blessings. Such are the judgments of that throng that one
pretends to honour by the name of the people.

Unfortunately, the Due d'Orleans sought no purer incense ;
this one was just to his mind ; as he had not been capable of
making true sacrifices to public opinion, so he was not able, either
to detect the value that ought to be attached to this opinion,
when it is exalted by those who proclaim it.

The cries of joy of an ignorant populace flattered his passion
against the court, and fortified him in his scorn for public opinion
by showing him how easily it could be conquered.

The Archbishop of Toulouse and the Keeper of the Seals,
indignant at seeing that their stratagems had become snares
against themselves, united all their efforts to excite the anger
of the king and to represent to him the non-execution of their

THE DUC UORLtANS. 149

measures as a public misfortune. " A prince of the blood," they
said, " who ought to have sustained the throne, and who had
dared to sap its foundations, even to the point of supposing
limits to the authority of the king and to say it in his presence!
Judges bold enough to accuse of prevarication the ministers,
that is to say the trustees of the confidence of the master, the
agents of his will ! Such an excess of audacity merited punish-
ment. The exile of the one, the detention of the others, were
examples necessary in order to put a stop to similar scandals."

It was by such discourses that this feeble minister drew the
king into measures, which, being the outcome of passion, could
only induce all ambitious persons of the same stamp, as abbes
Freteau and Sabatier, to wish for a light persecution. The
ministers of Louis XVI. were ignorant of the fact that arbitrary
power has not the right to punish with moderation those who
resist it, and that it is doomed by its nature either to tolerate or
to crush its enemies.

The first alternative would have been more consonant with the
character of the king ; the second might well have tempted the
ministers, but they knew that they were not strong enough,
either with the king or in the eyes of the nation, to take it. They
thought they had done much in suggesting the exile of the Due
d'Orleans, and in proposing to have counsellors Freteau and
Sabatier carried off to prison. They took the first to the citadel
of Doullens, and the second to the chateau of Mont Saint-Michel,
a kind of isolated tower on a rock washed by the waves of the sea.
It was Baron de Breteuil, Minister of Paris, who went, on
the 20th of November, at six o'clock in the evening, to notifiy
to the Due d'Orleans the order for his exile. This minister was
specially entrusted with the distribution of the Icttres de cachet}-
when they were drawn up against one of his brother-ministers or
against a prince of the blood. It was customary for the minister
to go in person to give the information, and this mission drew
upon him, sometimes, receptions which bore the impress of the

1 Literally sealed letters. Originally they only conveyed the king's orders on State
business. Since the sixteenth century, however, they were subscribed by a Secretary
of State, and solely employed to notify to the authorities the decision of the king to
have persons of rank sent to prison without any trial, and often for imaginary offences,
— {Translator.)

I50 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

temper of the disgraced ones. Here, the position was so much

the more deHcate that Baron de Breteuil owed his fortune

to the protection of the house of Orleans. His uncle, Abbe de

Breteuil,^ had been chancellor of the late Due d'Orleans, who

had loaded him with riches and kindness, and had opened to the

nephew the road to favour and high offices. The king's letter,

which the latter handed to the Due d'Orleans, contained the

order to go that very night to his Chateau at Raincy,- in order

to arrive on the following day at that of Villers-Cotterets,^ which

was about eighteen leagues distant. The prince received this

injunction with ill-humour, and took care to make the bearer of

the order feel it. After having given an hour to a few private

arrangements, he called for his horses, and entered his carriage.

The baron who, according to his instructions, was to accompany

him, prepared to take a seat by his side, when the prince stopped

him saying : " What are you doing ? " The baron showed his

orders. " Oh, well," replied the prince, " get up behind," and he

started. The baron, without taking any notice of this passing

clond (that is the expression he used when relating this little

incident) entered his own carriage and followed as best he could.

The news of the exile of the Due d'Orleans spread quickly

in Paris. The garden of the Palais-Royal, all the adjacent

streets and places were filled with people, and resounded with

cries oi'' Long live the Due d'Orleans !" On the 2ist, in the

morning, the chambers of the /i??7£'w^';// reassembled, and decided

to send the first president to the king to ask him to recall to his

presence the migiist prijice zvhovi lie had 7'evioved, and to return to

the court two members whose zeal alone had dictated their

opinions. At noon the parlement was summoned to \'crsailles,

' The Abbe Theodore de Breteuil, born in 1710, prior of Saint-Martin des Champs,
at Paris, chancellor of the Due d'Orleans. He died in 17S1.

' Le Raincy, near Bondy, about nine miles from Paris, had been at first an abbey.
In the seventeenth century, Jacques Bordier replaced it by a m.agnificent chateau,
which belonged afterwards to the Princess Palatine. It became, in 1750, the
property of the Due d'Orleans. It was sacked during the Revolution, and entirely
destro)ed in 1848.

* Villers-Cotterets, chief place of the Canton of Aisne. In the thirteenth century,
Charles de Valois possessed there a chateau which w.as destroyed during the war of
the Hundred Years. Francis I. had another built by the side of the old one, which
became one of the favourite residences of the court. It was acquired in the seven-
teenth centui7 by the family of Orleans. This chateau is used to-day as a kind of
workhouse.

THE DUC U ORLEANS. 151

and the king gave orders for the resolution taken on the pre-
ceding 19th to be erased from the registers. The speech which
he delivered on this occasion is worth being preserved.

" I have ordered you," said he, " to bring to me the minutes
of the resolution taken by you on Monday last, after my leaving
the parlcmc7it. I cannot allow it to remain on your registers,
and I forbid you to replace it in any other manner.

'■■ How can m.y parlement say it has taken no part in regis-
tering the edicts, which I only pronounced after having listened
during seven hours to the advice and opinions of those of the
members who wished to give them, and when it was certain for all
as for myself, that the majority of the votes were in favour of the
registering of my edict, and requested me to hasten the meeting
of the States-General of my kingdom. I have already said that
I would convoke them before 1792, that is to say, at the latest
before the end of 1 791. My word is sacred.

" I approached you with confidence, in this ancient method, so
often employed by \\\& parlement of the kings, my predecessors
and it is at the moment when I have so deigned to hold council
in your midst, on an object of my administration, that you try
to transform yourselves into an ordinary tribunal, and to declare
illegal the result of this council by invoking ordinances and
rules which concern only tribunals in the exercise of their
functions.

" The claims of my parlemejit ought to come to me only in
the form of respectful representations or remonstrances. I dis-
approve always of resolutions, which declare their opposition
to my will, without expressing any motives for it."

After this speech, remarkable for the principles it sets forth,
and by the formal promise of the States-General it contains,
the first president^ obtained the permission to have the repre-
sentations heard which had been resolved upon that same
mornino-, relative to the exile of the Due d'Orleans, and to the
detention of the two counsellors.

The king replied in these few words : " When I remove from
my person a prince of my blood, my parlement ought to believe
that I have strong reasons for so doing. I have punished

1 The first president, d'Aligre.

152 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

two malcontents with whom I had good reason to be dis-
satisfied."

They expected such a cold reply ; it did not prevent the
parlcment from making a fresh attempt. Its example was
followed by all who had the right to raise their voices, and to
cause representations to reach even to the foot of the throne.
All the parlemcnts emulated with each other in making remon-
strances ; all demanded the recall of the prince and of the two
magistrates. The princes and the peers were forbidden to attend
the sittings of the parlenient, which were almost permanent
and drew the attention of the people. Experience had taught
that importunity was a method not without efficacy with a
feeble government.

In the sitting of the 22nd of November, the parlcment had
also resolved to send the registrar Isabeau to congratulate the
Duchesse d'Orleans, and to express the concern they felt at the
exile of her husband. This princess had already departed for
Villers-Cotterets. On arriving at the place of his exile, the Due
d'Orleans had hastened to beg the parlemcnt of Paris not to
take any notice of him. He knew well that in affecting to claim
this silence for himself, he would only attach the popular party
more strongly to his cause, and he was sure that the zeal of the
parlenient for his interests would not be slackened. But it must
not be possible that the entreaties of that body should be
attributed to his instigations, otherwise, they would be more
likely to embitter the king than to appease him. The latter
could not, without compromising his authority, remit so
promptly the punishments he had imposed.

The peers submitted unwillingly to the prohibition which
had been laid upon them to enter parlcment. They met
secretly at the Hotel de Luynes, to draw up an address in
favour of the exiled prince. Similar requests, as I have said,
came from all parts. And yet the Due d'Orleans little merited
the interest he inspired. Little impressed b}' the celal of his role,
he complained with bitterness of the privations it imposed upon
him. Never had lighter privations been supported with less
patience and less courage. If the Parisians could have read to
the depths of the heart of their new idol, they would have been

THE DUC UORLAANS. 153

Strangely surprised to find what little devotion they were recom-
pensing by so much homage.

The orders of the king forbade the Due d'Orleans to receive
in his exile other visits than those of his family and of persons
attached to his service. It had been desired to avoid the im-
mense concourse of visitors which would not have failed to
gather around the exile to honour his retirement, and above
all to brave the dissatisfaction he had incurred. However,
Villers-Cotterets was anything but a solitude. All the relations
of the prince, among whom must not be forgotten the generous
Madame de Lamballe, considered it a duty to gather about him ;
his children had joined him. His attendants and those of the
Duchesse d'Orleans formed a numerous society. At this period
of his life he was intimately acquainted with Madame de Bufifon,!
a young and pretty person, whose disinterestedness and extreme
devotion have won the indulgence of all who have known her.
Once a week, she repaired to Nanteuil," a small city situated at
equal distance from Villers-Cotterets and Paris ; it was there the
Due d'Orleans went to see her.

With these resources, in a magnificent dwelling, in the midst
of all the distractions procurable by an immense fortune, it
would only have required a very ordinary dose of moderation to
have been happy. But the prince's position appeared to him
unbearable, and it is impossible to deny that, at this time, blind
vengeance became the ruling passion of his heart. This is the
secret of the second portion of his life.

While those ideas of vengeance were fermenting in his head,
he nevertheless used every means to obtain his liberty. The
Parisians, who wished to justify their enthusiasm, related that he
had rejected the means of return and of reconciliation offered
by the Archbishop of Toulouse. According to them, the Due
d'Orleans had refused to re-enter into favour before the two
counsellors were recalled, and also before the motive of the

■■ Mademoiselle de Cepoy, married in 17S4 to Louis-Marie, Comte de Buffon, son
of the illustrious savant, who was decapitated in 1794. The relations existing between
the Due d'Orieans and Madame de Buffon determined a separation (1789) between
her and her husband, and this was converted into a divorce (i793)-

- Nanteuil, chief seat of the Canton of Oise ; 1,600 inhabitants; fifteen miles
from Senlis.

154 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

severity which had been employed towards them, should have
been made known positively to all three.

These rumours were credited by those who were on good
terms with the inmates of the Palais Royal, where all mention
of the vain efforts of the Prince de Conde and of the Due de
Bourbon ^ in the exile's favour was carefully avoided. The king
had received those princes with kindness. He had not dis-
approved of the interest they had shown for the Due d'Orleans,
but, pressed by them to explain himself on the duration of the
exile, he contented himself by replying : " Believe me, I am a
good kinsman.''

The same newsmongers, as fortunate in invention as in reti-
cence, abstained also from speaking of the letters in which the
Due d'Orleans had directly solicited his pardon. In these letters,
he had not blushed to put forward motives surely much more
humiliating than any prayer. It was not on the legitimacy of his
conduct nor even on the purity of his intentions that he based
his request. In order to move the king, he had sought the most
extraordinar}^ means. Thus, he laid weight on the necessity of
resuming and superintending the work commenced at the Palais
Royal, the suspension of which caused great prejudice to his
interests ; he spoke also of the neglect into which these had fallen
through the illness of M. de Limon, the intendant of his finances.
In order to try everything, he spoke of his health and of that of
the Duchesse d'Orleans, saying they could not do without re-
turning to Paris. Finally, he laid weight on the retirement of
his Chancellor Ducrest, as an expiatory sacrifice w^hich ought
to be recompensed by a return of favour, or at least by a
generous forgetfu Iness of the wrongs of which this "imprudent
favourite had rendered himself guilty."

It was true that M. Ducrest had just given in his resignation,
and the letter that accompanied it had been circulated in public.

1 Louis Henry -Joseph, Due de Bourbon, was born August 13, 1776. He was the
son of ihe Prince cle Conde. He tool; no part in public affairs under the reign of
Louis XVI. He emigrated at the beginning of the Revchition, and commanded a
corps of the army of Conde. He retired afterwards to England. During the
Hundred r>avs, he tried without great success to raise the Vendee. He was appointed,
under Louis XVHI., grand master of the king's household. He put an end to his
life, August 27, 1S30, at Chantilly. He had married his cousin, the Princesse
Louise d'Orleans, and was the father of the unfortunate Due d'Enghien.

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 155

According to that letter, the resignation was purely voluntary ;
the faithful servant had perceived that he was injuring his
master, and his attachment for him required him to separate from
him. Too much hatred had attached to him as the author of the
memoranda handed to the king by the Ducd'Orleans, for him to
hope that he could do the latter any good. He flattered himself
that the vengeance of his enemies being satisfied, they would
seek no other victim. All this was intermingled with phrases on
the success of his administration. Neither the resignation of
Chancellor Ducrest, nor his letter, nor that of the Due d'Orleans,
had touched the heart of the king, and severity prevailed still in
his resolutions. The Due d'Orleans did not even obtain a
written answer ; but the Comte de Montmorin, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, was instructed to see him, to exhort him to
patience, and to say to him that the king did not write in order
to spare himself the chagrin of refusing him.

T\\Q pai'lonent, where princes and peers had at last obtained
permission to reappear, did not cease to insist on the recall of
the two exiled counsellors and of the prince. All the month of
December was passed in waiting, and soliciting replies from the
government. The Prince de Conde and the Due de Bourbon
attracted notice by their assiduity at the sittings of \.\\q. parleinent,
and if they appeared to agree with the ministers on some points,
they could not be reproached with failing on every occasion to
speak in favour of the three exiles. After some weeks rigour
at last ceased. The king resolved to trust to mercy, and was
pleased to accord to the Duchesse d'Orleans that which he had
refused to the entreaties oi \^^ par lenient.

The Archbishop of Sens (M. de Brienne had exchanged the
Archbishopric of Toulouse for that of Sens,) thinking he had
obtained a truce by this concession, prepared with the Keeper
of the Seals a new judiciary organization, the effect of
which was to suspend the functions of all the sovereign
courts of the kingdom at the time when it should be-
come law. Sanction was to be given to this new project in
an assembly summoned under the name of plenary court, in
which the edicts that the minister had proposed to the parle-
ment were to be registered. But M. de Brienne had neither

156 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the intellect nor the energy required by projects so vast and
circumstances so grave.^

The measures taken by the ministry, and the mysterious
silence they kept, caused great uneasiness to all the magis-
trates. They made all sorts of attempts to discover the projects
of the government. They succeeded ; MM. d'Espresm^nil and
Goislard - obtained a copy of the edicts and some documents
which related to them. They had them printed and distributed,
without the ministry having even had knowledge of the discovery
that had just been made. In an assembly of the chambers con-
vened immediately, and at which the Due d'Orleans was not
present, after all the peers and members of the parlcmcnt had
taken an oath not to recognize as a court officer any except those
present, and to reject at the risk of their lives all propositions
tending to retard the convocation of the States-General, they
declared that if violence made it impossible for the court to watch
personally over the constituent principles of the French monarchy,
they would confide this duty to the hands of the king, the princes
of his blood, and the States-General.

The ministry, informed of what had passed, decided to have
those magistrates arrested whom they supposed to have dis-
covered and published their projects. M. d'Espresmenil and M.
Goislard took refuge in the parlcmcnt. A detachment of the
armed force that was in Paris followed after them. After some
hours they gave themselves up into the hands of M. d'Agoult,^ who

^ Brienne undertook to destroy the parlc?nents. On May S, 17S8, the king
ordered the farlcment to Versailles, and the Keeper of the Seals, Lamoignon, read
the following edicts : — The first instituted under the title of Grands Bailiiagcs, new
courts of justice which were to decide all civil and criminal cases below 20,000
livres. The parhments were only cognizant of cases above that figure, as also of
those concerning ecclesiastics and nobles. The second edict reduced considerably
the number of counsellors of pai-latient. The third suppressed all extraordinary
tribunals. The fourth abolished the previous question. The fifth, and the most
important, instituted a plenary court, charged with verifying and registering the laws
for the whole extent of the l.ingdom. This court was composed of tb.e Chancellor or
of the Keeper of the Seals, of the great chamber of the parkment of Paris, of the
princes of the blood, the peers, the grand officers of the crown, various dignitaries
of the Church and of the army, a certain number of members chosen in the Council
of State and the parlancnts of the provinces. The court had the right of remon-
strance, but the king reserved to himself that of dictating his orders at lits de justice.
Finally, the sixth edict published an interdict against all existing pa7-lctnenis, and
forbade their assembling on any public or private case.

- M. Goislard de Monsabert was a young counsellor o{ parlcment.

^ Antoine Jean, Marquis d'AgouIt, born at Grenoble in 1750 of an old family of
Dauphiny. Lieutenant of the body-guard (lySi), colonel (17S3). He emigrated in

THE DUC D'ORLAaNS. 157

commanded the expedition, and who had declared that he
would take them away by force, if they would not follow him.
M. d'Espresmenil was taken to the island of Saint Mar-
guerite. I ought to observe, for the sake of the history of
the odd freaks of the human mind, of which it is always well to
take account, that that same d'Espresmenil — ^just as in the as-
sembly of the clerg-y held at that time, the Bishop of Blois, like
M. de Themines — they both being then leaders of the opposition
against the court, and decided advocates of the States-General,
— made himself conspicuous, during all the time of the
constituent assembly, by sentiments, opinions, and intrigues
directed against the new order of things which he had himself
produced.

The Archbishop of Sens after having tried for twenty-four
hours a kind of bankruptcy, and having, for some days, re-
sorted to a certain severity against the parlemejits, renounced
all his plans, and, promised to summon a meeting of the States-
General, in order to gain time, but he did not gain any, and
was obliged to retire, leaving the court enfeebled, public opinion
informed of its own strength, and, in one word, the Revolution
commenced.

The Due d'Orleans had no influence on the last movements
of the parlentent, and his name was hardly mentioned at the
States-General. I shall not therefore dwell on the events which
marked this important period.

The government had itself proclaimed the limits of its power
and invited the public, by an appeal made to all enlightened
men, to devise itself the best method of convoking the States-
General. Was it not imprudent to agitate France by poHtical
discussions of all kinds and without fixed principles to start
with .'' In fact, the first cause of the disorders excited by the
assembling of the States-General lay here.

The first symptoms of these disorders broke out in the Faubourg
St. Antoine, and everything goes to prove that the Due
d'Orleans was not a stranger to them. A manufacturer named

1 791, and joined the army of Conde. He remained attached to Louis XVIII. during
all his exile, and only returned to France in 1814. He died in 1S28, peer of France
and Governor of the Chateau of Saint-Cloud.

158 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

R6veillon,^ a very respectable man, gave employment to a large
number of workmen. I do not know what calumny was circulated
among them concerning him who gave them their means
of livelihood. At the same time money was distributed to
them ; and the crowd having mixed with them, the number
increased, and the riot became so serious, that it was necessary
to employ the French and the Swiss Guards to restore order.
The same amount of money, twelve francs, that was found
on each of the rioters killed or arrested, proved already that
some one of a superior class, had directed that outbreak ; the
confessions made by several of those poor wretches allowed
it to be no longer doubted that the sedition had been brought
about by the agents of the Due d'Orleans. The depraved
character of that prince made him enjoy any tumult what-
ever ; he was delighted to agitate, to make a noise, to create
embarrassment, but he dared not do any more.

This disturbance had been brought about by M. de Laclos,-
who had been for some time attached to the person of the Due
d'Orleans as " secretary of his commands." M. de Laclos had been
introduced in Paris to a few houses by the Vicomte de Noailles,^
who had known him in garrison ; his ambition, spirit, and

^ Reveillon was a stain-paper manufacturer of the Faubourg St. Antoine. He
had been accused of having used harsh .and unfriendly language to his workmen,
which had provoked a furious riot (April 28, J7S9). His house and factory were
destroyed. The riot was quelled, but not without much bloodshed.

- Pierre-.Anibroise Choderlos de I, ados, born at Amiens in 1 741, was captain of
engineers in 1 778. He formed an intimacy with the Due d'Orleans, and became
"secretary of his commands." He was actively concerned in the intrigues of the
party of the ))rince at the outbreak of the Revolution. He was a member of the
Jacobin^' Club, and edited its journal. After the flight to Varennes, he moved the
deposition of the king, and drew up with Brissot the petition of the " Champ de Mars."
He became brigadier-general in 1792. Imprisoned on two different occasions during
the Terror, he was, later, sent to the army of the Rhine as general of brigade. In
1S03, he was inspector-general of artillery at Naples, when he died. Laclos has left
also a literary reputation. He is the author of a few light poems and several novels,
the best known of Mhicli is entitled Liaisons Dani^creiises.

•' The Vicomte Loui^ Mnrie de Noailles was the second son of Marshal de Mouchy.
Born in 1756, he became colonel of the Chasseurs d'Abace, and joined in the expedi-
tion to America. Deputy of the nobility of Nemours to the States-General, he
warmly adopted the new idea^^, joined the Third Estate, and proposed the aboli-
tion of feudal rights (Augu-l 4). President of the constituent assembly in 1791,
brigadier-general in 1792, he was defeated at Gliswal. lie emigrated soon after. In
1S03, he returned to Fmnce, again took service as general of brigade, and was killed
in sight of Havanna whilst capturing an English frigate. The Vicomte de Noailles
had married his cousin Anne, granddaughter of Marshal de Noaille=. She was guil-
lotined July 22, 1794, with her mother, the Duchessc d'Ayen, and her grandmother,
the MarkliaU de Noailles.

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 159

bad reputation had caused the Due d'Orleans to regard him

as a man whose support it was by all means good to have

in stormy circumstances. Un ^loge de Vaubaii, the immoral

novel entitled Liaisons Dangeraises, some works on tactics,

several newspaper articles which had proved the flexibility

of his opinions, as of his talent, had induced the Due d'Orleans

to entrust him with the draft of the instructions he wished to

give to the different persons who were to represent him in the

bailiwicks of his appanage. M. de Laclos had written on this

occasion a sort of code in which all the philosophical ideas of the

time, treated of in separate articles, did not seem sufficiently

veiled to the Due d'Orleans. This not suiting him, he sought

another compiler. Abbe Sieyes was suggested to him as the

man who had reflected most upon the questions which, it

was supposed, the States-General would discuss. In a meeting

which took place with Sieyes at the house of M. de Biron at

Montrouge, the Due d'Orleans showed to the abbe the draft of

M. de Laclos, and asked him to make such chano-es in it as he

thought suitable. Abbe Sieyes, who, owing to the disposition of

his mind, was usually little pleased with the work of others, found

that nothing could be preserved, and drew up a new project

which the Due d'Orleans adopted and had printed.^ My opinion

is that, from that time, there were no further relations between

^ (Pari=:, 1789, I vol. 8vo.) This document is very interesting ; the fact that it
emanates from the first prince of the blood gives it much more value. In it, the author
indicates first the principal articles to insert in the cahicrs,* namely, in iiviJual and
political freedom ; privacy of letters ; inviolability of propeity ; periodical vote of
taxes, and their equal distribution ; responsibility of ministers ; divorce. Passmgnext to
the regulation of ihe a.sseniblies, he requests his lepresentatives to take notice only of the
present instructions, without paying any attention to the re^^ulation joined to the king's
letters of convocation. He deplores that the ministry "by an inconsistency worthy of
the enlighienment which has always distinguished them," should have adopted the
mode of deliberation by separate orders. " The only important deliberation is that
of the 'Ihird, for it alone has the general interest in view, it alone is the dei)0bitary of
the powers of the nation, and it feels that it is about to be entrusted with its
desti'iies. " A ncl farther on, he adds : " The duty of the States-General will then be
to attack the despotism of the aristocrats, and the unlimited prerogatives of the royal
power, to draw up a declar.ition of the rights of man, and to establish a constitution
on the fjllowing bases : A national assembly elected in the third degree ; the parish
assemblies wiil elect cantonal assemblies, which in their turn will elect provincial
assemblies, which will choo e from their midst the national representatives. All the
deputies will be subject to dismissal by their constituents." It must not be forgotten
that the estates of the Due d'Orleans, wliere those instructions were scattered, had
the extent of three or four French Departments.

* The Instructions g.vf a by the constituencies to their deputies with regard to the reforms that
were most needed. — (Translator.)

i6o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the Due d'Orleans and Abbe Sieyes, and that this was the
only time they met. But, as those instructions caused consid-
erable stir, and their author was known, it was supposed, at
different stages of the Revolution, that there was a secret bond
between Abbe Sie}-es and the Due d'Orleans. There never
existed, perhaps, two men more incompatible, and nothing
would prove it better than to show Sieyes as he is. I will
try to make a sketch of him.

Sieyes has a mind vigorous in the highest degree ; his heart is
cold and his soul pusillanimous ; his inflexibility is only in his
head. He can be inhuman, because pride will prevent his
drawing back, and fear will bind him to crime. It is not out
of philanthropy that he professes equality, it is out of violent
hatred against the power of others. It cannot be said, how-
ever, that the exercise of power suits him, for he would not
be at his ease at the head of any government, but would like
to be its only thinking and ruling spirit. Exclusive, domineer-
ing, he does not confine himself to a continuous and regular
action ; disdainful of that which is known, he wishes to go beyond
it. Obstacles make him indignant, he scorns every compromise.
What he calls a principle, is in his hands a brass sceptre, which
does not bend either to the imperfections of nature, or to the
weaknesses of mankind. He is equally ignorant of the virtues
and of the faults which are inherent in a feeling mind. His
resolution once taken, no affection can stop it. Men, in his
eyes, are but pawns to be moved about ; they occupy his
mind, but awake nothing in his heart. When he draws up a
constitution, he treats the country for which it is intended as
a place whose inhabitants never felt or saw anything.^

The only feeling that has any influence over Sieyes is that
of fear. At the Convention he feared death ; since then, the
fear of the vengeance of the house of Bourbon rules him.

Sieyes is regular in his habits, methodical in his conduct,
obscure in his dealings. His private life offers nothing philo-
sophically remarkable. In his tastes, he is somewhat choice ;
he is difficult to serve, to lodge, to furnish. He is not covetous,
but he is not lofty enough to despise fortune ; his pride, even,

^ Allusion to the constitutKjn proposed by Sieyes in the year VIII.

THE D UC D' ORLEANS. 1 6 1

has not been strong enough to prevent that foible detracting,
from his poUtical consideration. He has no mental ability ;
he cannot argue, because he only knows how to prescribe.
He converses badly ; he has no desire to convince, he wishes
to subjugate. His humour is sad : it is possible that a natural
indisposition which forbids him intercourse with women
contributes to this ; and yet he does not disdain to jest with
them ; then, he has a kind of grace ; he can smile, and resort
to waggish banter, which is measured and rather cutting,
but he never stoops so far as to be amiable. Proud and timid,
he is necessarily envious and defiant ; so he has no friends,
but has submissive and faithful followers.

Sieyes may be a leader of opinion ; he will never be a leader
of a party. His mind is more superb than active. He is all
of one piece ; if one does not do as he wishes, he sulks in his
corner, and consoles himself that he is looked at there. He has
not a happy countenance ; it bears the imprint of a hard and
meditative character. His look has somewhat of superiority,
of haughtiness, and only lights up when he smiles. His pale
complexion, his figure without precision in its form, his slow
and gentle walk, all his outward appearance in short, seems plain
as long as he does not speak, and yet he does not speak well.
He only says words, but each word expresses a thought and
indicates reflection. In a serious conversation, he is never
captivating, but he imposes.

Does all I have just said apply to a man who could have
submitted his character, his temper, his opinions, to those of
a prince ; who could have the complacencies of accessory
ambition .? No one will think so.

I have felt obliged for once to destroy by means of reasons
drawn from the essence of their characters, the generally
established opinion that the Due d'Orleans had any concerted
relations with Sieyes. It is equally true that there was not,
between him and any of the remarkable men of that time, any
other association than that brought about naturally by private
meetings, entirely foreign to all personal combinations.

After the instructions given to his bailiwicks, the Due
d'Orleans ceased to be politically an active person ; his feeble
VOL. I. ^

J 62 777^ .UE.1fO/7^S OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

character, his equivocal and unsettled position prevented his
becoming so. After the crime of his vote, he Avas no longer
of importance, people had no further need of him ; he remained
simply in the ranks, and as that was not his place, he was there
a cipher, was disgraced and killed.

What becomes then of the opinion, so positively accredited,
that the Due d'Orleans was the prime author of the Revolution ;
that his name served for the rallying of a numerous class of
citizens ; that he was encouraged by the ambition of a few
turb'ulent minds, to raise his eyes to the throne. This opinion
cannot be held before the picture of his life. For immorality,
extreme frivolity, want of reflection, and weakness, suffice to
explain his agitations as well as his inaction. Furthermore,
the impulse once given, the rapid and violent excitement of
minds prevented, at every stage of the Revolution, the develop-
ment of private ambitions. All ideas tending, from the
beginning, to establish equality and to weaken all power, lofty
ambitions were necessarily discountenanced. It was not until
very much later, after terrible tests, that there began to be felt
the need of a leader to m.odify the state of things which existed ;
it was then that Bonaparte appeared. The Due d'Orleans
was, doubtless, not the last person to perceive the disposition of
minds which I have just indicated. That is why he always
concealed the real aim of his ambition. He was not, as I have
said, either the principle, the object, or the motive of the
Revolution. The impetuous tide carried him along with the
others.

The Due d'Orleans fell back upon himself, his tastes, his
needs. Hence the secret thought which led him, after October
6, 17S9, to undertake the disgraceful journey to England for
which men of all parties have reproached him.^ From that

- The Due d'Orleans was accused of having been concerned in the events of
October 5 and 6. The court and a portion of the /'oui-gcoisie arose against him. La
Fayette took upon himself to echo these recriminations — indeed, these menaces ; so
much so that the prince, being intimidated, left for England on a fictitious mission, in
spite of all that Mirabcau could do to restrain him. Immediately, the ChStclct
opened, on the events of October, an inquiry destined to prove the culpability of the
prince. The latter returned suddenly to Paris on July 7, 1790. On August 14 fol-
lowing, the court of the CMleki delivered its report to the Assembly. It concluded
by asking that he should be arraigned, but the Assembly refused to authorize the
prosecution.

THE DUC D' ORLEANS. 163

moment dates the disappearance of his enormous fortune, which
having been put into a form more easy of handUng, left even
fewer traces than did the superb gallery of pictures of the
Palais-Royal, so scattered to-day. The free cash of the Due
d'Orleans passed all to England by indirect means and through
secret agents, who, on account of their obscurity, were enabled
to be unfaithful, and to enjoy the proceeds of their theft. Such
is the opinion of the men who were then at the head of affairs.

If historians make it a point to seek the men to whom they
can award the honour, or address the reproach of having made,
directed, or modified, the French Revolution, they will give them-
selv^es unnecessary trouble. It had no authors, leaders, nor
guides. It was sown by the writers who, in an enlightened and
venturesome century, wishing to attack prejudices, subverted the
religious and social principles, and by unskilful ministers who
increased the deficit of the treasury and the discontent of the
people.

It would be necessary, in order to find the real origin and
causes of the Revolution, to weigh, analyze, and judge questions
of high speculative politics, and especially to submit to a profound
and skilful examination, the question of the struggle between
philosophical ideas and prejudices, between the pretensions of
the mind and those of power. For, if we were to take into con-
sideration only the sole results of that Revolution, Ave should
soon fall into error, and end by mistaking M. de Malesherbes for
Mirabeau, and M. de la Rochefoucauld for Robespierre.

End of the Second Part.

M 2

PART III.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE,
THE EARLY YEARS OF THE EMPIRE.

1791 — 1808.

Dangers threatening the royal family — Talleyrand goes to London with a
letter of Louis XVI. to the King of England — Defeat of the French
troops under the Due de Biron — August 10 — Abolition of royalty-
Could the royal family have been saved in 1792 ? — Talleyrand entrusted
with a scientific mission to England — The Marquis of Lansdowne — The
Marquis of Hastings — Doctors Price and Priestley — George Canning —
Samuel Romilly — Jeremy Bentham — Lord Henry Petty — Charles Fox
— The responsible authors of the Revolution — The Alien Bill — Lord
Melville — William Pitt — Talleyrand expelled from England — Starts for
America — Nearly shipwrecked — Stay at Falmouth — General Arnold —
Lands at Philadelphia — M. de Beaumetz — William Penn — The Mor-
avian brethren — The spirit of enterprise in America — General Hamilton
— American commercial competition and its results — Talleyrand at
Chdnier's request is authorized to return to France — Starts for Ham-
burg — Madame de Flahaut and Talleyrand — Returns to Paris — Elected
a member of the Institut — Madame de Stael — Talleyrand and Barras —
Talleyrand appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs — Why he accepted
office— Carnot and Barras — Talleyrand's first letter to Bonaparte —
Treaty of Campo-Formio — Lord Malmesbury — Fructidor 18 — First
interview between Bonaparte and Talleyrand — Catherine of Russia and
the French Revolution — The Directory and Europe — Moreau— Talley-
rand retires from the Cabinet — Sieyes and the Directory — Bonaparte in
Egypt — Brumaire 18 — Bonaparte appointed First Consul — Talleyrand
takes office again — Paul I. and Bonaparte — Marengo — Treaty of Lun^-
ville — The United States and the French Republic — Lord Cornwallis
and Joseph Bonaparte — Treaty of Amiens — The Concordat — Talley-
rand's secularization — Bonaparte's blunder — Annexation of Piedmont
to France — England declares war — Pichegru's death — Assassination of
the Due d'Enghien — Proclamation of the Empire — Napoleon emperor
and king — The camp at Boulogne— The Austrian campaign — Napoleon
at Schosnbrunn — Austerlitz — Napoleon and the Faubourg St. Germain
— Talleyrand created Prince de Ben^vent — Treaty of Presburg— Count

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 165

von Haugwitz — Fox and Talleyrand — Lord Yarmouth and Lord Lauder-
dale — Prussia and Hanover — Battle of Jena — Treaty of Tilsit — Napoleon
and Poland — War with Russia — Battle of Eyiau— Battle of Friedland —
The interview of the three emperors — Napoleon and the Queen of
Prussia — Napoleon's return to Paris — Talleyrand appointed Vice Grand
Elector — Retires from the Ministry'— His apology for doing so — Napo-
leon's designs on Spain — Defeat of Junot — Capitulation of Baylen — The
Erfurt interview — Talleyrand and the Czar Alexander — Failure of
Napoleon's projects against Austria.

What was left of the royal prerogatives after the vote of the
Constituent Assembly was but a shadow, growing daily fainter.
It was, therefore, of paramount importance to save from further
ruin the frail power of the king, which all efforts made in view of
restoring to it its lost reality only tended to diminish. The men
who still affected to be afraid of it, such as it was, only sought a
pretext to complete its destruction. The great point would have
been not to have offered them any. They were not satisfied
that the king should imitate the reed, that withstands the fury of
the wind, simply because it is incapable of offering any resistance
to it : they wished his supporters both at home and abroad to
indulge in utter inaction, and to abstain from expressing any
opinion he might have been accused of sharing. But who could
be induced to adopt such unspirited policy .? The revolutionary
impulse was given and stirred all classes.

The cabinet of the time,^ of which M. Necker was no longer
a member, then understood the necessity for royalty to obtain
a promise from the chief courts of Europe either to disarm, or
not to arm at all.^ The leaders of the second Assembly, known

1 This was the Feuillant ministry — the first ministry of the king under the new
constitution (November 1791 -March 1792). It was thus composed: Justice, Du
Port ; Foreign Affairs, De Lessart ; Taxes and Public Revenue (Fmanccs), Tarbe ;
Marine, Bertrand ; Interior (Home Department), Cahier de Gerville ; War Depart-
ment, Narbonne. . _, , .

2 The Fcuillajit ministry had no warlike mtentions. Thus the aim of all the
neeotiations it then beqan with the various courts of Europe was to prevent the
breakin'T out of hostiluirs. The policy of the French cabinet was to win over
Prussia and England, in order to oppose them to Austria. M. de Segur was sent to
Prussia (December 22, 1791). At the same time, M. de Narbonne sent off yi>ung
Custine to the Duke of Brunswick, in order to offer him the post of commander-in-
chief of the French forces. In England, M. de Talleyrand (;he author of these
Memoirs) was officially entrusted with the negotiations (January 12, 179:). M. de
Lessart was also endeavouring to keep on good terms with Spain (Bourgrung's mission
to Madrid, February, 1792) ; he reassured the Emperor as to the consequences of the
reconciliation which it was sought to bring about with England (Lessart's letter to M.

1 66 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

under the name of Girondists, had insisted on this step under the
beHef that the king's ministry would decline to take it. Their
hopes were deceived. M. de Lessart/ who was then Minister ot
Foreign Affairs, took up the suggestion, and proposed that I
should go to England in order to open negotiations on the
subject. I had been anxious to leave France for some time ; I
was tired and disgusted, and sure though I felt that my mission
had little chance of success, I accepted it. The king wrote to the
King of England a letter of which I was the bearer.-

In 1790, war would have been useful to royalty. In 1792, it
would only have upset the throne ; that is the reason why the
revolutionists wanted it. They thought (as one of them, Brissot
de Varville,^ subsequently confessed) that, if war were once
declared, the king, having the direction of the operations, would
be left at their mercy, by being obliged to employ only those
means that it might please them to place at his disposal, and
that they would thus be enabled to urge to rebellion both the
army and the masses, by holding the sovereign responsible for
disasters which, owing to their own action, had been rendered in-
evitable ; an infamous calculation which subsequent events proved
to have been made with the utmost skill. This hateful machina-
tion could, perhaps, have been thwarted by calling upon the armed

de Noailles, ambas<>ador to Vienna, January 16, 1792), and tried to prevent all inter-
ference on the j.iart of the Imperial Diet(M. Barbe-.Marbois' mission, January i, 1792).

^ Antoinc de Valdec de Lessart, l>orn in 1742. Was successively niaitre dcs rcquelcs
(176S), comptroller-genera! (December 1790), Minister of the Interior (January, 1791,)
and Minister of Foreign Aflairs ( November, 1791). On Brissot's motion, the Assembly
decreed his arrest and trial, March 2, 1792, when he was arrested and taken to
C>rleans, the scat of the national High Court of Justice. He was massacred at Ver-
sailles (Septem! er 9, 1792) on his way back to Paris, where he had been recalled by
Danton's orders.

''■ Talleyrand was also the bearer of a letter from M. de Lessart to Earl Grenville. He
had instructions to secure the neutrality, or, if possible, the alliance of England. He
started on his mission, January 12, 1792, in the company of the Due de Biron, and
rt-ti.rned to Paris on March 9 in the same year. (See Sorel's L' Europe ct la Rh'olu-
tion I-rr.n^aise, Part H., Vol. HE).

•^ Jean-l'ierre liriss.it was the tliiiteenth child of a Chartres innkeeper. He was
born in 1754, and soon added to his name that of Ouarville, or Warville, the village
where he was brought up. Having conie to Paris he founded, in 1782, Le Patricte
/■'rii'iciiis, a journal in which he advocated new ideas with vigour and talent. Having
been elected a member of the Commune of Paris in 1791, and deputy to the National
Assembly and to the Convention, he became in a couple of years one of the leaders
of liie Girondist party, which for some time was master of the situation. He, at first,
endeavoured to save the king, wdiose death he eventually voted, subject to an appeal
to the people. He was proscribed with all his friends after the trial of the Girondist
parly, and guillotined May 31, 1793.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 167

thnigres^, who everywhere threatened the frontiers, to withdraw,
and by placing all the troops on a footing of peace. This course,
however, was not adopted, or rather the steps resorted to were
so full of indecision as to render them utterly useless ; as to the
king, his natural weakness led him — in order to remove all sus-
picion of his conniving with the foreigners — to be induced to
propose to the assembly a declaration of war which that body
hastened to accept. The fate of monarchy was then sealed.
The events which took place on the frontier- served as a pretext
for the outrages of June 20, and, shortly after, for the crime of
August 10, which the great regard I had for the Due de la
Rochefoucauld," enabled me to witness. In compliance with a
letter he had written to me, I had come back to Paris in order to
share the noble and praiseworthy dangers, which the popularity
of Petion,* then Mayor of Paris, who, in accordance with a
decision of the administrators of the Seine department, whose
colleague I was, had been temporarily removed from office,
caused us to face. I may add that the marks of approval given
us by the queen, when, on the Federation day, we passed under

^ The name given to the members of the aristocracy who, at the time of the
Revolution, left France and foiitjht in the ranks of the foreigners, but especially in
what was termed the "army of the princes," under Prince de Conde. — {Translator).

- The defeat of the Due de Biron, and running away of General Dillon's troops
on the Belgian frontier (April 30, 1792).

^ Louis-Alexandre, Due de la Roche-Guyon and de la Rochefoucauld d'Enville,
Bom in 1743, he at first entered the army. Asa member of the Assembly of Notables,
he was elected deputy of the nobility to the States-General, where he showed himself
favourable to new ideas and voted the chief reforms of the Assembly. He was
appointed President of the Paris department in 1791 ; but after the events of June 20,
1792. he resigneil that post and left Paris. Having been recognized at Gisors, he was
stoned to dea'h by the infuriated mob.

■* Jerome Petion de Villeneuve was born at Chartres in 1753. He was practising
as a barrister in that town, when he was elected deputy of the third estate * to the
.States-General. He soon acquired a great influence in the Assembly and in the clubs.
In November, 1790, he was elected President of the Assembly. In June, 1791, he
was appointed to fetch the king back from Varennes, and on November 14th of the
same year, he was raised to the post of Mayor of Paris. His native town sent
him as deputy to the Convention, of which he was subsequently elected President.
He eventually sided with the Girondists. He voted for the death of the king.
Having been banished and arrested on May 31, he managed to escape, reached Caen
and endeavoured to organize the insurrection in the west. After the disaster at Vernon
([uly, 1793), he disappeared from the scene, and wandered in the .south for nearly
twelve months. In June, 1794, he was found dead in a field near Saint-Emilion in
the Gironde department.

* The States-General were a meeting of the three slates; the clergy, the nobility, and the third
state (chosen from the upper middle cla.ses). The States-General only assembled on solemn occasions.
Their chief function was to decide as to the &pi)ortuniiy of raising new taxes, in order to meet the
finungial embarrassments of the Si.nte.— (T'rawi/a/i'r )

i68 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the balcony where she was with the king, further excited the
populace against us.

After the events of that day, and the rout of the Prussians in
Champagne,^ the Revolutionists flattered themselves that they
had abolished monarchy for ever. They were blinded by their
fanaticism ; but not less so the men who were of opinion that
royalty could soon be restored, and Louis XVI. replaced on his
throne by force. At this stage, it was no longer a question that
the king should reign, but that he himself, the queen, their
children, his sister should be saved. It might have been done.
It was at least a duty to attempt it. At that time, F" ranee was
only at war with the Emperor," the Empire,^ and Sardinia.
Had all the other States concerted themselves to offer their
mediation by proposing to recognize whatever form of govern-
ment France might be pleased to adopt, with the sole condition
that the prisoners in the Temple* should be allowed to leave the
country and retire wherever they liked, though such a proposal,
as may be supposed, would not have filled the demagogues with
delight, they would have been powerless to reject it. Indeed
what pretext could they have alleged to substantiate their refusal .-*
Would they have said to France ; " General peace is offered
us, but we wish for a general war, in which we shall stand
alone against all Europe. . . . Our independence is recognized,
but we wish to call it in question and cause it to depend on the
chances of war. . . . We are not denied the ricrht of crovernino-
ourselves as we think best. Nobody thinks of forcing a king on
us, but we want to murder the one who did reign over us, in
order that his rights may go over to his heirs,^ who are indeed
no longer in our power, and whom all Europe will recognize
although we do not."

So little were the demagogues inclined to general hostilities,
that they hastened to make pacific declarations to all the govern-

■" The victory of Valmy, September 20, 1 792.

^ The Emperor of Austria was the head of the Holy Roman Empire, of whii;h
the German States were an integrant part. — {Translator.)
^ Austria and the various German States. — {T, andator.)

* It is well known that Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette, Madame Elizabetli, and
the royal children, were imprisoned jn the Temple. — (/ ; a/is/a/or.)

* 'i he Comte de Provence (afterwards Louis XVIIL), and the Comte d'Arlois
(afterwards Chailcs X.), brothers of Louis XVI., both left France at the outbreak of
the Revolution. — {Translaior.)

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 169

ments with which France was still at peace. Indeed, very few
amongst them thirsted after the blood of Louis XVI. ; and if they
shed it afterwards, that was owing to special reasons, not one
of which would have existed had Europe embraced the course
indicated above.

The royal family might therefore have been saved. A war
of twenty-two years, which threatened all the thrones, and upset
many, which, by having re-established a few, though not on
sufficiently secure bases, now threatens civilization itself, might
thus have been averted. The revolutionary government (the
barbaric expression of polygarchy could be suitably employed
here) would have come to an end much sooner in France, where
foreign wars and \'ictories could alone sustain it.

After August 10, 1792, I solicited a temporary mission to
London from the provisory executive. As the object of my
mission, I chose a scientific question with which I was somewhat
entitled to deal, seeing that it related to a motion previously
made by me in the Constituent Assembly. My aim was to
establish for the whole kingdom a uniform s)-stem of weights and
measures. After the exactitude of this system had been vouched
for by the most competent men of Europe, it might have been
adopted by the different nations. It was therefore advisable
to confer with England on the subject.

My real object was, however, to leave France, where it seemed
to me useless, and even dangerous, to stay any longer, but I
wished to leave the country with a regular passport, in order that
it should not be closed to me for ever.

As in France, the tide of political passions ran high in the
various cabinets of Europe. It was thought that if she were
attacked on all sides, France could not resist. Only dreaming
of success, they decided to wage war against her. The ad-
vantages they expected to reap by their victory were such as to
cause them to lose sight of the dangers of the royal family. It
was then that the Republicans, seeing war inevitable, took the
initiative in declaring it, in order to show that they were not
afraid of it.

I resided in England during the whole of the dreadful year
1793 and a portion of 1794. There I was welcomed with the

I70 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

utmost kindness by the Marquis of Lansdowne/ whom I had
known in Paris ; he was a nobleman of lofty views, gifted with
abundant and lively powers of elocution. He was still free from
the infirmities of old age. Some people brought against him
the common-place accusation of being too clever ; an accusation
by means of which, in England as well as in France, people keep
at a distance all the men whose superiority gives them umbrage,
and this is really the only reason why he never was in office
again. I saw him often, and he kindly sent me word every
time he received the visit of some distinguished person whose
acquaintance he thought I should be pleased to make. It
was at his house that I met Mr. Hastings,'- and the doctors
Price,^ and Priestley ;■* there, I also formed an intimacy with
Mr. Canning,^ Mr. Romilly,^ Mr. Robert Smith, M. Dumont,^

1 William Petty, Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl of Shelburne, was bom in 1737, and
at first joined the army. In 1761, he entered the House of Lords. Two years later,
he was appointed a member of the Privy Council. Having been Chief Secretary of
State, he was appointed First Lord (jf the Treasury in 17S2 ; a post which he resigned
in the following year. Until his death, in 1S04, he remained a friend of France and
bitterly opposed to Pitt's policy.

2 Francis Rawdon, known successively under the names of Earl of Huntingdon,
Earl of Mt'ira, and Marquis of Hastings, was born in 1 754. He was descended from
a Norman family settled in Ireland. He entered the House of Lords in 17S2, and
always voted with the Whig party. He was successively Governor-General of the
Eait Indies and Governor of Malta. He died in 1S16.

^ Kicliard Price, an English philosopher and political writer, was born in 1 7-3.
He studied finance^-., and, in 1772, he proposed, for sinking the public debt, a new
system which was applied with success by Pitt. He was on intimate terms with the
chief members of the French philosophical paity, especially with Turgot, and
displayed sympathy towards the Revolution. He died in 1791. Talleyrand is
therefore mistaken in asserting that he had seen him during his journey to London,
seeing that he only visited the English capital several months after Dr. Price's death.

■* Joseph Priestley, famous English scientist and philosopher, born in 1733. His
political and religious opinions compelled him to emigrate to .America, wliere he
died in 1S04. He had been elected French citizen and honorary member of the
Convention.

* George Canning, born in London, in 1770, from parents of Irish descent. In
1792, he had already tlistinguished himself as a speaker at public meetings, and was
considered as one of the most prominent members of the Whig party. Jn 1793, he
suddenly changed his political creed, was elected a member of the House of Commons
in 1794, and became one of the most ardent supporters of Pitt. He was appointed
Secretary of Forei;^n Affairs in 1807, and had to resign this post in 1S09, in conse-
quence of a duel with his colleague. Lord Castlercagh. In 1S14, he was sent as
ambassador to Lisbon. He again became Chief Secretary of Foreign Affairs in 1S22,
and died in 1827.

* Samuel Komilly, a famous English jurist, was born in 1757. He often visited
France, and was on intimate terms with the chief writers and statesmen of the time.
He entered the House of Commons in 1S15, and was loud in his protests against the
imprisunment of Napoleon. He died in iSiS.

'' Pitrre Dumont, a Swiss writer, born at Geneva in 1759. He was a Protestant
minister. Civil war compelled him to leave his country, and he travelled successively

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 171

Mr. Bentham.i and Lord Henry Petty,^ the son of Lord Lans-
downe, who at this time, was already looked upon as one of the
hopes of England. All the friends of Mr. Fox,^ with which
gentleman I had, on several occasions, been on intimate terms,
did their best to render my stay in London as pleasant as
possible. My mornings were spent in penning down my im-
pressions of the previous day, and when, after my return to
France from America, my friends forwarded to me all the notes
taken during the time I resided in England, I was extremely
surprised to notice that they could be of no service to me for the
work I am now writing. It would now be impossible for me to
relate the events of this period, I do not recollect them ; their
connecting link is lost for me.

Besides, my absence from France during the most terrible
years of the Revolution left me in ignorance of the details of its
dreadful events ; I could scarcely, at that distance, discern their
broad outlines. On the other hand, I turned away from these
hideous scenes, in which so much abject spirit w^as mingled
with so much fierceness, too often to be able to depict them. The
reign of Henri IV. and that of Louis XIV. are known to us in all
their details, but recent events appear confused and problem-
atical, even to the very men who played a part in them ; they
followed each other with such rapidity, that each in turn almost
stamped out the recollection of what had occurred before.

in Rus'iia, in Eiiglaml, and finally in France, in 17S8. Here he met the chief leaders
of the Revolution, amongst whom Mirabeau, concerning whom he left some interesting
memoirs (Geneva, 1831), and Talleyrand. He went back to Geneva in 1814, and
died in 1829.

^ Jeremy Bentham, an English writer and moralist, born in 1747, died in 1832.

- Henry Petty, Marquis of Lansdowne, son of William Petty, Earl of Shelburne
and Marquis of Lansdowne, was bi'>rn in 1780. In 1S02, he was elected memlicr of
the House of Commons. In 1S06, he v\ as appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer ;
entered the House of Lords in 1809. In 1S27, he was Home Minister in the Cabinet
of Mr. Canning, and, shortly after, held the same office in the short-lived Cabinet of
Lord Goderich. In 1830, he re-entered the Cabinet as Lord President of the Council,
resigned in 1834, held the same office again in 1835, and remained in that position until
1S4I. In 1S46, he again resumed office as Lord President of the Council, and retired
to private life in 1S52.

3 Charles Fox, born in 1748, was the son of Lord Holland, Secretary of State
under George II. At the age of nineteen, he was elected member of the House of
Commons, and appointed Lord of the Treasury. Having been removed from office
in 1774, his powers as a speaker won for him the position of head of the Whig party.
In 17S2, he was appointed Chief Secretary of Foreign Affairs. He always displayed
sympathy tow.-irds France and the Revolution, and showed himself adecided adversary
of Mr. Pitt's policy. In i8o5, he again took up office as Chief Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, and died a few months after.

172 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Perhaps also the mob leaves too slight an imprint on its work ;
its deeds have but a transient effect, and the character of the men
who serve it is such as to make no impression on one's memory.
Having lived in obscurity until such day as they appear on the
scene, they return to it as soon as their part there is played.

I confess that it would not cause me the slightest concern if
the details of this awful calamity were to leave no trace in men's
minds, for they are of no historical importance. Indeed, what
teachings could men derive from deeds performed without aim
or plan, and which were merely the outcome of ruthless and
unruly passions ?

Teachings of all kinds are rather to be sought in the know-
ledge of the facts preceding the catastrophe, and for the investi-
gation of which every material exists ; this knowledge will
disclose the numerous and weighty causes of the revolution ;
this is the truly profitable way of unfolding men's actions, for
it bears with itself lessons equally useful to sovereigns, to the
upper and to the lower classes. I have recorded in these
memoirs all the events which occurred in the time closely
preceding that dreadful upheaval, with which I was privately
acquainted ; I advise my contemporaries to do likewise, and
I feel sure that they will succeed better than I have done.
The study of those already distant daj's possesses, it seems to
me, the invaluable advantage of cautioning us against every
form of intolerance. When considering the last twenty years
of the old monarchy, there is no man of any elevation of mind
and good faith who, on remembering what he did or said, wliat
he wrote, what he blamed or approved, will not find some
fault with himself — if this man possessed any influence at all :
I might almost add that no one knows all the examples — good
or bad — he must have set. I thus deny that it is in the power
of any of the men I have known, whether princes or simple
subjects, to decline all share of responsibility in the subsequent
outbreak.

I do not mean to say that the amount of harm caused by the
want of foresight of these men was the same in ev^ery case, but
simply that it is in no one's power to ascertain and point out
exactly the share of reproach deserved by each. The times in

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 173

which we live, the circumstances in which we are placed, alter,
or at least modify, the spirit of all our actions. What, in certain
cases, may appear but natural and excusable, will deserve blame
in others. Thus, I only insist on this appeal to the conscience
of all Frenchmen, that I may eradicate all feelings of hatred and
intolerance, and replace them by meekness and urbanity, so long
banished from our beautiful country.

It was not my intention to stay long in England. Though
being nominally an outlaw in France, I yet did not wish to place
myself in the category of emigre, which I really was not. How-
ever, the English Foreign Minister thought it advisable to
emphasize his zeal for the general cause by displaying at first
his antipathy towards the emigres. With this object, he availed
himself of the Alien BilV which he had wrenched from Parlia-
ment, to send me orders to leave the country within twenty-four
hours. Had I acted on the first impulse, I should have started
off at once, but my dignity required of me to protest against the
unjust persecution of which I was the victim. In consequence, I
applied to Mr. Dundas,- to Mr. Pitt,^ and to the king himself;
being unable to obtain satisfaction in any quarter, I had but to
submit, and therefore went to sleep on board a ship which, I had
been told, was the first to start for the United States. The state
of the weather and some business which the captain had to
transact detained us nearly a fortnight in the Thames. In the
meantime, a friend of Mr. Dundas came on board to invite me
to put up — until such time as the vessel could start — at a house
of his, near the river-side, but I declined his pressing offer.

1 The first Alien Bill was passed in 17S2. In 1793, Lord Grenville obtained from
Parliament a Bill placing the French refugees under police supervision, and giving to
the authorities necessary powers to expel them. This is the bill applied to Talleyrand

in 1794.

- H. Dundas, Lord Melville, was born in 1741 from a noble Scotch family. Sent
to Parliament l)y I he city of Edinburgh, he always was one of the staunchest advocates
of Pitt's policy. He was appointed successively Chief Comptroller for India in 17S3,
Home Minister in 1 791, Chief Secretary of War, Lord of the Privy Seal, and fir^t
Lord of the Admiralty in iSo^ He died in 181 1.

3 William Pitt, second son of Lord Chatham, was born in 1759. At twenty-two
he was Member of Parliament ; at twenty-eight, Chancellor of the Exchequer ; in
1783, he resigned, but re-entered office again at the close of that year as First Lord of
the Treasury. Pitt was the moving spirit of the coalitions against France. The
treaty of Luneville, in 1801, compelled him to retire from office, but the breach of the
Peace of Amiens brought him back at the head of affairs. In 1805 he brought about
the third coalition, and died in 1S06.

174 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

I then experienced some satisfaction in refusing people's
services : unjust though persecution may be, there are compen-
sations in it. I never fully ascertained what my feelings really
were at the time, though the fact is I was somewhat pleased.
It seems to me that, in these days of general misfortune, I
should almost have regretted not being persecuted too.

We sailed at last. On the second day of our voyage, after
having but just left the Thames, we met with a violent storm. I
was then between England and France, which, indeed, constituted
one of the most critical positions in which any one could be
placed. I could see France. . . . my head was in danger there
.... I ran no immediate risk by returning to England, but it
would have been far too repugnant to me to solicit the hospitality
of a government who had tried to wound me.

Fortunately, the danger we were running was noticed on shore,
and induced some Falmouth lightermen to brave the fury of the
sea and come to our assistance. With their help, we managed
to reach the harbour. Whilst our ship, — all the rigging of which
was much damaged, — was being repaired, a rather striking
incident added an impression of a special kind to the many I
was to experience in the course of this voyage. The innkeeper
at whose place I had my meals, informed me that one of his
lodgers was an American general. Thereupon, I expressed the
desire of seeing that gentleman, and, shortly after, I was intro-
duced to him. After the usual exchange of greetings, I put to
him several questions concerning his country, but, from the first,
it seemed to me that my inquiries annoyed him. Having several
times vainly endeavoured to renew the conversation, which he
alwaj-s allowed to drop, I ventured to request from him
some letters of introduction to his friends in America. — " No,''
he replied, and after a few moments of silence, noticing my
surprise, he added, " I am perhaps the only American who
cannot give you letters for his own country. . . all the relations
I had there are now broken. . . I must never return to the States."
He dared not tell me his name. It was General Arnold ! ^ I

^ General Arnold had been sentenced to death during the War of Independence
for having furnished the English with information concerning the positions held by
the United States troops.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 175

must confess that I felt much pity for him, for which political
puritans will perhaps blame me, but with which I do not reproach
myself, for I witnessed his agony.

We left Falmouth with a favourable wind. All the passengers
were on deck, and, looking in the direction of the shore, they
all said, with evident pleasure : " I still see the land." I was
the only one who felt relieved on seeing it no longer. The sea,
at this moment, possessed special charms for me ; the sensations
I derived from it were particularly suited to my disposition.

We had been sailing for several weeks, when one morning,
the word I feared, *' Land ! Land ! " loudly shouted by the people
on board, roused me from my sleep. The captain, the crew and
the passengers all displayed the most lively joy. On reaching
the deck, I saw the pilot who was to take us up the Delaware,
and, at the same time, noticed an out-bound ship steering round
the headland. Having ascertained from our pilot that this ship
was bound for Calcutta, I there and then despatched a boat to
her captain, in order to inquire whether he had room for one
more passenger. The ship's destination was of no consequence
to me ; she was going on a long voyage, and my object was, if
possible, to avoid landing. Unfortunately, the captain being
unable to accommodate me, I had no choice left but to submit to
being taken to Philadelphia.

On landing in that city, my mind was totally indifferent to
the novelties which, as a rule, excite the interest of travellers. I
had the greatest trouble in rousing my curiosity. I met in
Philadelphia M. Casenove,a Dutch gentleman whom I had known
in Paris. M. Casenove was a man of a rather enlightened, though
slow, mind, and of a timid and most careless nature. Both his
qualities and his defects made him very useful to me. As he
never pressed me to do anything, and himself felt interested in
but few things, I had no occasion to resist him. Meeting with
neither opposition, advice nor direction, my instinct alone guided
me ; thus I was led gradually to contemplate more attentively
the grand sight under my eyes.

Only twelve j'ears had elapsed since the United States had
ceased to be a colony, and the years of their independence had
been lost as far as progress in material prosperity was concerned,

176 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

owing to the inefficiency of their first constitution. The bases
of public trust not having been properly defined, a paper-money,
more or less discredited, roused everybody's cupidity, encouraged
deceit, disturbed all transactions, and caused the institutions
which had been rendered necessary by the recent independence
of the country to be lost sight of. It was only in 1789, at the
time of the new federal constitution, that property in the United
States began to rest on truly solid foundations, that social
o-uarantees securing the safety of foreign intercourse were shaped,
and that the government of the young nation was admitted to
rank with older powers.

This is the true date of the foundation of the United States,

I was still haunted by my love for the sea, and I almost

forgot I was no longer sailing on it, when I found myself in that

vast country, where whatever I saw reminded me of nothing

I had seen before.

Intending to tire myself, I made up my mind to leave
Philadelphia, and therefore proposed to M. de Beaumetz ^ and to a
Dutch gentleman, of the name of Heydecoper, to travel inland
with me. They both accepted, and I must confess that I was
pleased with the undertaking from the beginning. I was struck
with astonishment ; at less than a hundred and fifty miles dis-
tance from the capital, all trace of men's presence disappeared ;
nature in all her primeval vigour confronted us. Forests old as the
world itself ; decayed plants and trees covering the very ground
where they once grew in luxuriance ; others shooting forth from
under the debris of the former, and like them destined to decay
and rot ; thick and intricate bushes that often barred our pro-
gress ; green and luxuriant grass decking the banks of rivers ;
large natural meadows ; strange and delicate flowers quite
new to me ; and here and there the traces of former tornadoes
that had carried everything before them. Enormous trees, all
mowed down in the same direction, extending for a consider-
able distance, bear witness to the wonderful force of these terrible
phenomena. On reaching higher ground, our eyes wandered,

^ M. de Beaumetz was born in 1769. He was a member of the Sovereign Council
of Artois. As deputy to the States-General, he voted with the Constitutional party.
He emiijrated in 1792, went to England, and thence to the United States and to
India, where he died.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 177

as far as the sight could range, over a most varied and
pleasant picture. The tops of trees and the undulations of the
ground which alone interfere with the uniform aspect of large
extents of country, produce a peculiar effect. In the face of
these immense solitudes, we gave free vent to our imagination ;
our minds built cities, villages and hamlets ; the mountain forests
were to remain untouched, the slopes of the hills to be covered
with luxuriant crops, and we could almost fancy we saw numerous
herds of cattle grazing in the valley under our eyes. There is
an inexpressible charm in thinking of the future when travel-
ling in such countries. Such, said I to myself, was the place
where, not very many years ago, Penn ^ and two thousand emi-
grants laid the foundations of Philadelphia, and where a popula-
tion of eighty thousand - people is now enjoying all the luxuries of
Europe. Such was also the seat now occupied by the pretty little
town of Bethlehem,^ whose neat houses and wonderfully fertile
environs, due to the energy of the Moravian brothers, excite the
admiration of all visitors. After the peace of 17S3, the city of
Baltimore was but a fishing village ; now spacious and elegant
dwellings have there been built everywhere, and dispute the
ground with trees whose stumps have not yet been removed.
It is impossible to move a step without feeling convinced that the
irresistible progressive march of nature requires an immense
population to cultivate some day this large extent of ground lying
idle now indeed, but which only wants the hand of man to produce
everything in abundance. I leave to others the satisfaction of
foretelling the prospects of those co-untries. I confine myself to
noticing that it is impossible to walk a few miles away from
seaside towns without learning that the lovely and fertile fields

1 William Tcnn, bom in London in 1644. He was the son of Admiral Penn.
Having become a Quaker, he was subjected to numerous persecutions, and imprisoned
three times. A state bond of ;i{^l6,ooo having been bequeathed to him, he received in
exchange the country west of the Delaware. There, he founded, \n 16S1, a colony
called after him Pennsylvania ; he built Philadelphia, and gave to his possessions a
constitution which became the basis of that of the United States. He returned to
England, where he died in 1718.

- Philadelphia is now the second city of the States as regards commercial import-
ance. In 1874 it had already a population of 920,000 inhabitant-^. — (Ti anslator.)

' Bethlehem, a small town in Pennsylvania, distant about si.\ty miles from Phila-
delphia. It was founded in 1 741, by the Moravian brethren, a religious sect dating
from the fifteenth century, and whose members are the descendants of the old Hussites.
In order to escape oppression and persecution, a number of them had sought refuge in
America.

VOL. I. N

178 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

we now admire were, but ten, but five, but a couple of years ago,
mere wildernesses of forest. Similar causes must produce similar
eiTects, especially when acting with ever increasing power. The
population of the States will therefore daily reclaim some fresh
portion of these fallow spaces, the area of which far surpasses
that of the ground at present cultivated.

Having sated myself with these ideas, or rather impressions,
my mind being neither free nor active enough to induce me to
write a book, I returned to city-life, wishing at the same time
that a considerable portion of the capital that took refuge
in America, might there be devoted to clearing and tilling the
ground on a large scale.

A new nation, whose manners, without going through the
slow process of civilization, takes pattern from the already refined
ways of Europe, stands in need of the teachings of the grand
school of nature, for agriculture is the basis on which all States
are founded. It is, I admit with the economists, agriculture that
forms the chief wealth of the social state, that teaches respect for
property, and warns us that we are blind to our own interests when-
ever we interfere with those of other people ; it is agriculture
that clearly points out to us the indispensable correlation
existing between the duties and the rights of men ; by binding
the tiller of the soil to his field, it binds men to their country.
The first attempts at agriculture teach us the necessity of the
division of labour, that marvellous source of all manifesta-
tions of public and private prosperity ; agriculture goes deeply
enough into the hearts and interests of men to induce them to
see in a numerous family so much additional wealth ; while, by
teaching resignation, it subjects our intellect to the supreme and
universal rules that regulate the world. From all this, I infer that
agriculture alone can put a stop to revolutions, because it is the
only pursuit that usefully employs all the capabilities of men, that
imparts to them calmness and moderation without indifference,
that inculcates respect for that experience which enables men to
control the results of their new experiments ; which, in short,
furnishes constant proofs of the grand results to be obtained
by simple regular work, and which neither hurries nor delays
in anything.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 179

In times of revolutions, rashness is regarded as skill, and
exaggeration as greatness. To put a stop to them, circumspec-
tion must replace audacity, and greatness will then lie in moder-
ation, and skill in prudence. A government, which is the friend
of liberty and averse to disturbing the tranquillity of the world,
must strive to act with moderation. An agricultural nation
settles down, it does not wish for conquests. Commerce, on
the other hand, always longs for increase of territory.

After the French Revolution, commercial transactions with
foreign countries met with too many obstacles to enable them to
become the chief pursuit of the country, and therefore to exer-
cise any influence on the manners of the French people ; but if,
in consequence of the excitement and vain dreams subsisting in
men's minds, the nation, as there is too much reason to fear,
turns its views to speculation in public funds, that will indeed
be a very great evil, because in operations of this kind deceit is
too much resorted to, and the attending ruin or fortune too
rapid.

The American government allowed itself to be too easily
influenced by the geographical situation of the States ; it gave
too much encouragement to the spirit of enterprise, for, in order
to increase its population, America annexed Louisiana ; it will
now be obliged to annex the Floridas. Commerce requires ports
and harbours from the Sainte-Croix river, near the Saint-
Lawrence, to the Gulf of Mexico, yet nine-tenths of the five
hundred millions of acres composing the territory of North
America are still untilled. Too much activity is devoted to
business, and not enough to farming ; and that first impulse
given to all the ideas of the country unsettles its social establish-
ment. You need only travel a bare hundred miles inland to see
people paying in kind for whatever they buy, whilst others draw
bills on the first markets of Europe : the contrast is too shocking ;
it is the symptom of a social disease.^

I saw, sixty miles from Boston, six thousand feet of timber

^ It must be home in mind that the author of these Memoirs was travelling in the
States as far back as 1794, and theref .re long before the great influx of emigration
that induced so many German and Irish a ;ricultural labourers to go to America, wheie
they performed the ta:,k pointed out to the Americans by Prince Talleyrand.— (;1^/. de
Bacourts )

N 2

I So THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

exchanged for a bullock, and, in Boston itself, twenty pounds
paid for a Florence straw hat.

At Frenchnnan's Bay, on the border of the Eastern States, a
violent storm having compelled me to stop at Machias,''^ I entered
into conversation with tho man at whose house I was staying. It
was indeed the best house in the district, and, as people say in
this countr}^, the landlord was a most respectable man. Having
exhausted the chapter relative to the value and price of land, I
asked him whether he had ever been to Philadelphia. He replied
that he had not yet done so. He was a man of about forty-five
years of age. I scarcely dared to ask him whether he knew
General Washington. " I have never seen him," he said. " If
you should go to Philadelphia," I went on, '' you will be pleased
to see that great man .-' " " Why, yes, I shall ; but," he added with
an excited countenance, " I should very much like to see Mr.
Bingham, who, they say, is so wealthy."

Throughout all the States I met with a similar love for money,
very often quite as coarsely expressed. The country was too soon
acquainted with luxuries. Tlie latter are, indeed, ridiculous when
men can hardly provide themselves with the necessaries of life.
I recollect having seen in the drawincr-room of Mrs. Robert
Morris, a hat manufactured in the birth-place of the master of
the house, carefully laid on an elegant Sevres china table,
bought at Trianon by some American. An European peasant
would scarcely have consented to wear such a hat.

On the banks of the Ohio, Mr. Smith possessed a residence
known in the country by the name of log-ho2Lse. The walls of it
were formed with rough trees. The drawing-room contained a
pianoforte enriched with most beautiful bronzes. M. dc Beau-
metz having opened it, Mr. Smith said to him, " Please do not
attempt to play, for the man who tunes it lives a hundred miles
from here, and he has not come this year." -

^ Machias, small trading port in the State of Maine.

- Several inciflenls connected with this jnirney left impres^^ions that are yet present
to my mind. To kill time is not so easy as people generally think, especially when
one's mind is active and full of apprehension as to news from one's country. Under
such ciicumstances, impressions can only be produced by material facts. To be
riding through a large wild forest, to lose one's way in it in the middle of the night,
and to call to one's companion in order to ascertain that you are not missing each other :
all this gives impressions impossible to define, because each incident reflects comically

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. i8i

To us, inhabitants of old Europe, there is something awkward
in all the luxury displayed by Americans. I grant that our
luxury often shows signs of improvidence and frivolousness, but
in America, luxury only denotes defects which prove that refine-
ment does not yet exist there, either in the conduct of life, or
even in its trifles. I must be pardoned for dwelling at some
length on America. I was so lonely when there, that many
reflections, which would otherwise have found their vent in
conversation, now come rushing to my pen.

During the two winters I spent either in Philadelphia or in
New York, I availed myself of the opportunity thus afforded me
to see the chief personages whose names the American Revolution
has handed to history, especially General Hamilton,^ whose mind

on the others. When I cried, "So-and-so, are you here?" and my companion replied,
"Unfortunately, 1 am, my lord," I could not help laughing at our position. That
"Unfortunately, lam," so pitifully uttered, and that "my lord," in allusion to the
Autun bishopric, sounded most ludicrous. Once, in the heart of Connecticut, after a
long day's ride, we stopped at a house where the people consented to give us bed and
supper. The food supply was fortunately better than we usually found it in American
houses. The family was composed of an elderly man, his wife, about fifiy years of
age, two grown-up boys, and a younq; girl. 1 he meal consisted of smoked fish, ham,
potatoes, strong beer, and brandy. In a very short time, the beer and brandy had the
efiect of enlivening the conversation. The two young fellows, who were rather
elevated, spoke of a jjurney they uere about to undertake ; they were going beaver-
hunting for a few v eeks. They spoke of their future expedition in such glowing terms
that they roused our interest and curiosity to such a. degree that, after drinking a
few glasses of branny, M. de Beaumetz, M. Heydecoper, and myself, were dying to
join them. This would have been a novel way of spending or wasting a few weeks.
At each question that we put to our hosts, they filled our glasses. Frmn that evening's
conversation I learned that the fur of beavers is good only in the fall of the season ;
that, to shoot them, one must lie in wait and hold out to them spears baited with
split-up wood ; that, in frosty weather, the hunters attack the little dens the beavers
build for themselves, thus causing the timid beasts to plunge under the ice, but, as
they cannot long remain uuder water, they soon come up to breaihe at lio'es purposely
made in the ice, when they are captured by the foot. All this was sufTiciently interesting
to induce Beaume'.z, either because of his love of sport, or because he felt more merry
than we did, to propose that our hosts should allow us to accompany them on their
expedition. They both gave their assent, and we were, without further formality,
enrolled in the brotherhood of the Connecticut beaver-hunters. Having mutually
pledged our word, each of us reached his bed as best he could. When morning came,
the effect of the brandy having passed off, and sleep becoming imperious, we began
to think the various impleme.,ts each was to carry too heavy. I believe that the
provisions alone weighed about forty pounds ; we also began to realize that spending a
couple of months in woods or marshes was really too much of a good thing, so we
endeavoured to quash the agreement made the night before. We got free with a few
dollars, nnd resumed our journey, feeling rather a.shamed of what we had done.
(Prince Talleyrand.)

1 Alexander Hamilton was born in 1757 in the island of Nevis (ILast Indies'), of
Scotch parents. When still very young, he took an active part in the War of
Independence, and was appointed Colonel. The State of New Yoik sent him to the
Congress which framed the Constitution. Colonel Hamilton was one of the warmest
supporters of the federative system. In 1789, Washington appointed him Minister of

1 32 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and character placed him, I thought, on a par with the most
distinguished statesmen of Europe, not even excepting Mr. Pitt
and Mr. Fox.

As I remarked above, I had noticed, whilst travelling in the
States, that agriculture was less encouraged than commerce, that,
having to choose between two sources of prosperity, government
had chosen that the scale should fall in favour of commerce, and,
still more recently, had emphasized this intention, by adding to
all the real wealth of their country the fictitious one procured by
all the banking establishments, which have sprung up everywhere
in the States, and which serve exclusively the ends of commerce.
Such an impulse once started, vanity and cupidity could not fail
soon to denounce prudence, moderation, or simple probity, as
r.arrow views. By overthrowing the barriers formerly raised
by the metropolis, which centralized all the products of its
colonies on its own markets, and set its own rules to their
speculations, the United States take able advantage of the
position and power that their independence has obtained for
them. They send to all the markets of the old world un-
expected quantities of all sorts of goods, the arrival of which,
by altering prices, brings about commercial crises impossible to
avoid. The chief cause of all these perturbations proceeds from
the great distance existing between the eastern and southern
ports of the States, whence thousands of ships loaded with
similar products start every year, on almost the same day, bound
for all the ports of Europe. Thus, for a long time to come, the
commerce of America to Europe will be left to chance.

During the long evenings of my stay in the States, always
thinking of my unfortunate country', whose troubles so deeply
afflicted me, I often considered what her future prospects were
likely to be. I then sought the means of removing, or at least
of diminishing, the obstacles which prevented the establishment
of mutually advantageous commercial relations.

I fully realized how idle the wanderings of my imagination
were; yet they pleased me. To put off conjectures, as reason

Finances. He resigned this post, from his own free will, in 1795. In 179S, when
war was on the [loint of breaking out with France, Hamilton was appointed General.
He was killed six years later (1804) in a duel with Colonel Burr, Vice-President of
the United States.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 183

dictated, until such time as the expected quarrel of Spain with
her colonies should be settled,^ was to delay one's hopes too
long, for only after the issue of this quarrel can the maritime
and commercial interests of the great powers assume a regular
course. Thus my hopes of regulation were daily disturbed by
all the events taking place under my eyes.

In 1794, I witnessed the return of the first American trading
expedition to Bengal ; the shipowners connected with it were
largely repaid for their outlay, and in the following year, fourteen
American vessels started for India from different ports, in order
to obtain a share of the enormous profits secured by the English
company. There is a sort of hostility in the sudden appearance
of American competition. This competition immeasurably in-
creases the risks of commerce, and thus skilful combinations
are seldom rewarded by compensating results. All this has
come in times when the growth of population in all civilized
countries, is adding daily to the ordinary stimulus of human
passions that of the fresh wants it creates.

All these considerations make it exceedingly difficult to fore-
see the future, and well-nigh impossible to direct its course.

Yet everything seems easy to a man driven from his country
and obliged to put up at an inn or reside in indifferent lodgings :
it does not seem quite so easy to him who is quietly seated
under his own roof I therefore took advantage of the disposi-
tion of mind into which my narrow quarters threw me to
indulge in high politics and set the world to rights. Having,
like a good member of the Constituent Assembly, waived the
question of the characters of men, I had recourse to a philosophi-
cal spirit, and devised a new general code of the law of nations,
which, after having established the balance of the interests of
nations and of individuals, should unite them for the political and
reciprocal benefit of the powers, and introduce liberal equality
into their habitual intercourse. I even fancy that I was on
the point of applying the system of the economists on free
trade and the abolition of customs, which must needs be com-

1 This settlement was the emancipation of the Spanish colonies, of which Mexico
was the fust to throw off the yoke of the metropolis, in 1810. In 1824, Spain
possessed no lontjer any territory on the continent of America.

1 84 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

prised in my speculative ideas, when, at the very moment I was
en<7ao-ed in trying to solve the problem, a new tariff of customs,
adopted by the American Congress, on the motion of my friend
Hamilton, came into force.^ The early conversations I had had
with the learned general dwelt on this branch of the American
administration " Your economists," he said to me, " made a grand
dream, but it is the chimerical exaggeration of people whose
intentions were good. Theoretically," he added, " their system
might perhaps be contested and its unsoundness exposed ; but
we must leave them their pleasant illusions ; the present state of
the affairs of this world suffices to prove that, at least for the
nonce, their plan cannot be carried out ; let us be satisfied with
this fact." I did not make a very firm stand in favour of the
economists, yet I could scarcely make up my mind to accept the
idea that there could exist " liberal " combinations that did not
result in mutual advantages for all commercial nations. Philan-
thropic conceptions rush to the mind when one is an outlaw.

Mr. Hamilton did not seem to me to reject so peremptorily
the possibility of all industries being, some day, permanently
divided among the nations of the world.

Europe, said I to him, is acquainted w\t\\, and cultivates, all
branches of art, and excels in the manufacture of all articles of
luxury, as in everything that tends to make life more pleasant
and agreeable.

The new world possesses a kind of wealth peculiar to itself :
its crops will always surpass those of any rival nation in
quantity.

Might not, therefore, the distribution of these two modes of
applying men's abilities serve, at least for a considerable time to
come, as the measure and basis of the relations that must neces-
sarily spring up between nations, some of which dail}- require to
buy the most usual necessaries of life at a moderate cost, whilst
others are anxious to acquire all that tends to make life more
pleasant and agreeable .''

Might not this natural balance furnish a \'ast ground for

^ There is a curious coincidence lietwcen this fact and that of these Memoirs
appearing at almost the very moment of the adoption of the bill of Major McKinley,
which seems to prove that the traditions of American cconoaiists of the early school
still possess numerous advocates in the States. — {Translator.)

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 185

intelligent exchange which, being ruled by international con-
ventions, would constitute the commercial intercourse of the
different powers ?

" Your idea," I\Ir. Hamilton said to me, " will only be practical
the day when — and it is perhaps not very remote — great markets,
such as formerly existed in the old world, will be established in
America.

" There were four chief markets concentrating all the products
of the world : that of London, which, notwithstanding our com-
mercial successes, will yet be the first, for a long time to come ;
that of Amsterdam, which, if things do not mend in Holland,
will soon be removed to London ; that of Cadiz, which will
eventually pass into the hands of our northern or southern ports ;
and that of Marseilles, which owed its flourishing state to Levan-
tine trade, but is now on the eve of being lost to you Frenchmen.

"As for us, we only need two markets, but they are indis-
pensable to us : one for the Northern and one for the Southern
States.

"When these large markets are established, commerce will
be able to resume its regular course ; commercial enterprise will
no longer rely on sole hazard, it being the interest of each
market to render public the real price and quality of the various
goods finding their way to it ; excessive fluctuations will be
thereby avoided, thus keeping within reasonable bounds the
losses and gains of all speculations. Then, will sailors of all
nations bring in all confidence their cargoes to the various ports
of the world."

I admired the spirit of general order aKvays apparent in the
private views expressed by Mr. Hamilton respecting theprosperity
of his country. I do not know whether they will ever be realized,
but if they do, it will only be when the intrusive and invading
spirit of America will have ceased to alter the general relations
of the American people with other nations, and when, by a
judicious regard for its own interests, it will endeavour to
conquer its own country by turning to every possible advantage
the vast extent of territory belonging to it.

I had acquainted myself with almost all I wanted to know in
Amfica ; I had been spending nearly thirty months in that

iS6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

country/ without any other aim than that of being away from
either France or England, and impelled by the sole interest of
seeing with my own eyes the great American nation whose history
is only beginning.

The uncertainty in which the news from Europe left my future
prospects, induced me to launch in a speculation which, being
carried on with skill and economy, might have proved most profit-
able. I made up my mind to go to the East Indies on board a
ship I had chartered, and in the cargo of which several important
Philadelphia firms and some Dutch capitalists had an interest.
My vessel was loaded ; and I was about to start, when a decree
from the Convention, permitting me to return to France, reached
me. This measure was quite unsolicited by me ; it had been
taken on the initiative of Messrs. Chenier," and Daunou,' whom
I scarcely knew, and to whom, however different their political
opinions may be from mine, I shall always bear gratitude.* It
was necessary to take advantage of this decree, or else to give
up for ever the hope of returning to France. M. dc Beaumetz,
whom I had taken into partnership in my speculation, went to

1 During his stay in England and in America, Prince Talleyrand kept up with
Madame de Stacl * an interesting correspondence recently edited by the present Due
de Broglie (the editor of these Memoirs) in the January and April numbers of the
Rcvite Diplomatique (1S90), under the title of Lcltrcs de M. dc Talleyrand h I\Iadame
de Stacl, extraitcs dcs Archives du Chateau de Broi^lie.

" Marie Jose|>h Chcnier, born in Constantinnple in 1764. He was the junior
brother of Andre. t Me at first entered the army, but left it to devote his time to
literjture, and wrote several republican and revolutionary plays which gave him a
certain repuiation. As Deputy of the Department of Seinc-et-Oise to the Convention,
he voted ior the death of the king. lie was President of the Assembly in August,
1795, and was subsequently elected a member of the " F"ive Hundred." After
Bnimaire iS, he became a member of the Tribunate. Under the Empire, he was
appointed Inspector of Public Education, was dismissed in 1S06, and died in iSi r.

^ Pierre Daiinou was born in 1761. He joined the Order of the Uiatorians, but
gave up his ecclesiastical functions after his election to the Convention by the I'epart-
ment of Pas-de-Calai'j in 1792. He protested against the trial of the king, and voted
in favour of bani^hmellt. Having been arrested with seventy-three of his colleagues
on October 31, 1792, he was imprisoned for a whole year. Afttr 'Ihermidor 9, he
was appointed President of the Convention. He was, subsequently, a member of the
" Five Hundred " and of the Tribunate, from which he was removed in 1S02. He
took no share in politics under the Emjiire. He became a Deputy under the Restora-
tion, was appointed peer of France in 1S39, and died in 1S40.

^ As meniioned here by Prince Talleyrand, the decree of the Convention permit-
ling his return to France was proposed by Messrs. Chenier and Daunou, but at the
pressing request of many of his friends, amongst whom was Madame de .Stael.

* See footnote (2), p. 47.

t 'ri.e nuthor of remarkable poems. His royalist opinions caused him to be arrested during the
Terror. The revolutionary tribunal sentenced him to death. He was guillotined in 1793. —
(Tra?i:lator.)

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 187

India instead of me and died in that country. I much regretted
to part with M. de la Rochefoucauld,^ for whom I had much
affection, and with Mr. Hamilton, who will always occupy a fore-
most place in my recollections. Having taken leave of my
friends, I took passage on board a wretched Danish vessel bound
for Hamburg.

Before re-entering France, I was anxious to know what was
going on there. Madame de Flahaut," who was then at Hamburg,
seemed to me hardly disposed to furnish me with the desired
information, for, when I was still coming up the Elbe, she sent
me word by M. de Ricce, who was simple enough to deliver the
message — not to land but go back to America. Her reason for
so doing, she told M. de Ricce, was that it being rumoured that
she had been on rather intimate terms with me, she feared that
my presence should be an obstacle to her marriage with M. de
Souza, the Portuguese Minister. However, I thought I could,
without any impropriety, take no notice of the extraordinary
reasons alleged by M. de Ricce, and spent a month in Hamburg,
in the society of persons who did, no more than I did myself,
interfere with the marriage of Madame de Flahaut Avith that
dear M. de Souza. In Hamburg, I met Madame de Genlis,
whom I found exactly the same as I had known her at Sillery,
at Bcllechasse and in England. The unchangeableness of
compound natures proceeds from their suppleness.

From Hamburg, I went to Amsterdam, where I spent a
fortnight, thence to Brussels, where I stayed long enough to
reach Paris only in the month of September 1796, as it had been
my intention.

A national institute of arts and sciences^ had been founded

1 The Due de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt.

" Adelaide Fiileul, born in Paris in 1761, married, when very young, the Comte
de Flahaut, a hrigadier-£:'eneral, who was guillo;ined in 1793. She had left France
in 1792. After Thermidor 9, slie wished to return to France, but had to stay at
Hambarg, where she made the acquaintance of the Marquis Jo.-e de Souza-Bothelo,
who was then Portuguese Minister lo Denmark, and whose wife she became in 1S02,
he havino- just been appointed Minister to France. The Marquis de Souza lost his
appointment sh irtly after, but resided in Paris until his death (1825). Madame de
Souza wrote several novels, which made her reputation. She died in 1836.

2 All the academies had been done away with in 1792. The Convention inserted
in the Consti'utioii of the year III. a clause providing for the foundation of a national
institute " enlntsted with the care of collecting the various discoveries and improving
arts and sciences." A bill passed in 1795, regulated the organization of this institute,

1 88 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

in Paris : the very organization of this institute was sufficient to
gauge the spirit then reigning in France. It had been divided
into four sections, of which that of physical sciences ranked first,
whereas that of moral and political sciences only came next.
During my absence, I had been elected a member of the latter.
To pay my debt as academician, I read, at two public sittings
closely following each other, a couple of papers which attracted
a certain notice. The first of these papers related to the
United States, the second dealt with the necessity for France to
secure colonies.^ I had also prepared a third paper on the
influence of society in France, but, as it was based chiefly on my
recollections, my friends did not think it suited to a time when
France was ruled by the Directory. So I left it unfinished.

Having paid my literary debt, and perceiving no clement of
order and no guarantee of stability in the various political factions
whose struggles I witnessed, I took care to keep aloof from
active politics. Madame de Statl, who had already resumed a
certain influence, closely insisted on my going with her to
Barras,- one of the members of the Directory. I demurred at
first ; I could not call on a member of the Director}', without
asking to see all the other Directors, and chiefly those ^ who had
been my colleagues in the Constituent Assembly. The reasons
alleged to justify my refusal did not seem valid. Besides, they
had to be conveyed through Madame de Stael, who, being anxious

which was divided into four sections, comprising ahogclher 144 full members and 144
associate members. The Institute only resumed its old name of academy in 1S16.

^ These two papers were published in the Kccticil dcs AlJiitiures de l Iitsiitui,
section of moral and political sciences, vol. ii., first series, 1799. In the first, headed
Sur Ics Relations coviincrcuiles dc l^-lnglLiirrc et dcs Etats-Unis, Germinal 5, year V.
("The Commercial Intercourse of En^^land with the United States"), the author's
object was to prove that England did not lose anything by the declaration of indepen-
dence ol her great colony, and that she will always find in America a regular market to
buy her goods and adopt the overgrowth of her population. The second was headed.
Stir Ics A',-antaf^C5 a rclircr dcs CoUviics noiivcUcs ( " .Advantages to be derived from New
Colonies ") ; it was read Mcssidor 25, year V. The main idea in it is that, as a con-
sequence of the revolution, it is necessary, in order to preserve its results, to apply
the forces f)f the country to a new field of activity, and that, in the present state of
affairs in France, the government ought to endeavour to supply all agitators and mal-
contents of all parlies with vast territories to c.donizc.

- The Cointe Paul <le Barras, born at Fox-limphoux, in the Var Department, was
a captain in the army in 17S9. Having been sent to the Convention, he voted for the
death of Louis XVI. In February, 1795, he was appciinted President of the Conven-
tion, lie was elected a member of the 1 directory at the time of its foundation, and
only left it on Hrumaire 18, when he retired to private life. lie died in 1S29.

^ La Reveillere-Lepeaux and Rcwbcll.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 1S9

that I should be personally known to Barras, so managed matters
that the Director sent me a note inviting me to dine with him at
Suresnes on a certain day. I had no alternative but to accept.
On the appointed day, I was at Suresnes at about three o'clock
in the afternoon. In the dining-room, which I had to cross to reach
the drawing-room, I noticed covers laid for five persons. Much to
my surprise, Madame de Stael was not invited. A man who was
rubbing the floor, showed me a cupboard containing a few odd
books, and told me that the Director — the title given to Barras in
private life — seldom came home before half-past four. Whilst I
was engaged in reading I do not recollect what work, two young
men came in to ascertain the time by the drawing-room clock,
and seeing that it was only half-past three, they said to each
other, "We have time to go for a swim." They had not been
gone twenty minutes, when one of them returned asking for
immediate help ; I ran, with all the persons in the house, to the
riverside. Facing the garden, between the high road and the
island, the Seine forms a kind of whirlpool in which one of the
young men had disappeared. The watermen of the neighbour-
hood soon rowed to the spot, and two of them most courageously
dived to the bottom. However, all the efforts made to save the
unfortunate fellow proved vain. I went back to the house.

The corpse of the young man was only found the next day
caught in weeds, at a spot distant more than six hundred yards
from the place where he had disappeared. The drowned was named
Raymond, Lodeve was his birthplace. Barras was very fond of
him ; he had brought him up and, since he had been appointed a
Director, he had made him his aide-de-camp. I was alone in the
drawing-room, not knowing exactly what to do. Who was to
tell Barras the misfortune that had just befallen him } I had
never seen the Director. My position was really unpleasant. A
carriage drove up. On opening the door, the gardener said :
'' M. Raymond has just been drowned, yes. Citizen Director, he
has just been drowned." Barras crossed the front yard, and
rushed upstairs to his room, crying out aloud. After waiting some
little time, one of his servants told him I was in the drawing-room-
He sent me word to excuse his not coming down, and requesting
me to sit down to dinner at once. The secretary who accompanied

I90 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

him remained upstairs. Thus, I was alone at Barras' table. A
quarter of an hour having elapsed, a servant canae to request me
to go up to the Director's room. I felt thankful for his supposing
that, under the circumstances, the dinner served to me could have
no attraction. I felt quite upset. As I entered his room, he
took hold of both my hands and embraced me ; he was weep-
ing. I said to him all the kind things which the position in
which I saw him and that in which I was myself, could dictate.
The sort of embarrassment he, at first, displayed with me, an utter
stranger to him, gradually disappeared, and the share I took in
his trouble seemed to do him good. He begged of me to go
back with him to Paris ; I readily accepted. From that day, I
never had any occasion to regret having made his acquaintance.
He was a man of an e.xcited and impulsive nature, easily carried
one way or the other : I had known him scarcely a couple of
hours, and yet might have almost supposed I was the person he
liked best in the world.

Shortly after my first interview, the Directory wished to make
a change in the Ministry.^ To this Barras consented with the
condition that his new friend should be appointed " Minister of
Foreign Relations." He defended his proposal with great warmth,
and so effectively that it was adopted ; at ten o'clock the same
night, a gendarme called for me at the club named Salon dcs
Etrangcrs - and handed to me the decree appointing me
Minister.

The absolute character of all the measures taken by the
Directory, the pressing requests of Madame de Stael, and above
all this, the belief I had that I might possibly work some good,
caused me to dismiss all idea of declining the post. On the follow-
ing day, I therefore called at the Luxembourg,^ in order to thank
Barras : after which, I went to the Foreign office.

Under my predecessor, Charles de Lacroix,'" all State matters

^ During the summer of 1797, the cabinet was entiiely modified. Talleyrand took
the Foreign Office, I ambreclit the Justice, Letourneux the Home Department, General
.Scherer the Vv'ar Office, Admiral Pleville le Pelley the Marine Department, Sotin
was head of ;he Police Department, and Kamel remained Minister of Finances.

- Str.ingers' or Foieigners' Club.

^ The residence of Marie de Medici. After passing through different destinations
during the Revolution, it became the official residence of the executive during the
Direciory. It is now devoted to the sittings of the Senate. — {Translator.)

* Charles de Lacroix de Constant was born in 1754; in 17S9, he was chief clerk

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 191

concerning his department were previously settled by the
Directory. Like the previous secretary, my duties were confined
to signing passports and other administrative documents, and to
forwarding to the proper quarters the despatches or communica-
tions already drafted by the executive ; yet, I often delayed
these communications, which delay enabled me to soften their
terms, when the impulse under which they had been written had
passed away. All business relative to home affairs was kept from
me. I imparted dignity to my odd situation, by trying to con-
vince others, and myself to a certain degree, that all progress
towards true order at home would be impossible so long as we
did not have peace abroad, and adding that, since I had been
called upon to contribute to its restoration, T ought to devote
myself entirely to this object.

It has come to my knowledge that some people, not in the
days I speak of, but since the Restoration, considered that it was
wrong to accept office in times of crisis and revolution, when it
is impossible to work absolute good. Such judgment always
appeared to me most superficial. In the affairs of this world, we
must not simply consider the present. That zvhich is, in the
majority of cases, has but a very small importance, whenever we
lose sight of the fact that that n'hich is produces that which shall
be ; thus indeed, as we frame the present, so will the future be
shaped ! If we consider matters, without prejudice and, above
all, without envy, we plainly see that men do not always
accept office so as to gratify their personal interests, and I might
add that it is no mean sacrifice on the part of a political man to
consent to being the responsible editor of other people's lucubra-
tions. Selfish and timorous people are incapable of so much
abnegation ■, but, I repeat it, it must be borne in mind that, by
declining official posts, in times of upheaval, one simply affords
o-reater facilities to the enemies of public order. He who accepts
does so, not to second the advocates of a state of affairs to which
he is opposed, but in order to so modify their action that it may

in the General Co-nptroller's office. Having been elected to the Convention, be voted
for the death of the king. lie w.is subsequently a member of the " Anciens," Minister
of Forei'^ii Affairs (1796), Ambassador to Holland (1797). Prefect of tbe Bouches-du-
Rh'me, and afterwards of the Gironde. He died in 1 808. He was the father of Eugene
Delacrjix, the famous painter.

192 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

be profitable to the future. "En toiite chose il faiit ccnsiderer la
finl'' ^ said good old La Fontaine, and that is not a mere
apologue.

I must not omit to state that Admiral Bruix,- for whose
character, intellect, and talent I had the greatest esteem, was to
be appointed Minister of Marine ; I was thus entering upon office
with a colleague as unacquainted as I was myself with the ways
of the Directory, and with whom I could deliberate as to what
good might be done and what evil prevented.

To give a clear conception of what I have termed the ways
of the Directory, I think it will be sufficient to relate the inci-
dents that marked the first council at which I was present. A
quarrel took place between Carnot^ and E arras ; the latter
charged his colleague with having destroyed a letter which
ought to have been submitted to the Directory. They were
both standing. Carnot, putting up his hand, said : " I give you
my word of honour that that is not so ! " " Do not raise your
hand," replied Barras, "blood would drip from it." Such
were our rulers, and my task was to try to obtain the re-admis-
sion of France to the councils of Europe, Avhilst such men were
in power. Difficult though this great undertaking was I did not
hesitate to confront it.

Nearly all the enemies France had had since the beginning
of the Revolution, had been compelled to seek safety in peace,
which most of them bought and paid for with territorial cessions
or pecuniary considerations.^ Austria, defeated both in Italy

^ In all things the end should be considered.

- Eustache Bruix was born at San 1 lomingo in 1759 ; in 17S9, lie was a lieutenant
in the naw ; in 179S, he was appointed Rcaf-Admiral and Minister of Marine, and
died in 1805.

3 Laz.are Carnot was born at Nolay, in the Department of C'lte d'Or, in 1753 ; in
1789, he was an oflicer of artill-ry. He sat in the Legislative Assembly and in the
Conventiim, where he voted for the death of the king. Having been appointed a
member of the Committee of Public Safety, he was entruste.l with the organization of
the army and the direction of the war. Having been elected a member of the Conscil
dcs Atuicns by fourteen Departments, he was appointed a Director. Having been
banished on Fructirlor iS, he took refuge in Geneva. Uniler the Consulate, he was
Tilinister of War, and afterwards member of the Tribunate. In 1S14, he was appointed
General of Division and Governor of Antwerp. He t jok office as Minister of the
Interior during the Hundred Days, was e.xiled at the Second Restoration, and died at
Magdeburg in 1S23.

■* The f jllowing is the chronologl«al list of the treaties which brought the war of
the first coalition to an end : — With the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Pans, February 9,
1795; with Prussia, Basel, April 5, 1795; with Spain, Basel, July 22, 1795; with

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 193

and in Germany, and seeing her territory invaded on both sides
and her capital threatened by General Bonaparte, had already
signed the preliminaries of Leoben with her victor, and was now
engaged in negotiating the definitive treaty, that of Campo-
Formio.

I became Minister of Foreign Affairs ^ during the time that
elapsed between the signing of the preliminaries of peace and
the conclusion of the definitive treaty. On learning my ap-
pointment, General Bonaparte wrote to the members of the
Directory to congratulate them on their choice, and also sent
me a ver>^ nice letter. From that day, we kept up a close
correspondence.' All the young victorious general did, said,
or wrote was so full of originality, so striking, skilful and daring
as to justify building great hopes on his genius. A few weeks
after writing his first letter to me, he signed the treaty of
Campo-Formio (October 17, 1797).

On the other hand, England had sent Lord Malmesbury^ to
France with proposals of peace ; but in this, she was not sincere.
The English Cabinet Avas then forced to feign entering on
negotiations with us, in order to overcome its difficulties at
home.*

Hesse-Cassel, Basel, August 28, 1795; with Sardinia, Paris, May 15, 1796; with
Wurtemberg, Paris, August 7, 1796 ; with the Margrave of Baden, Paris, August 22,
1796; with the King of the Two Sicilies, Paris, October 11, 1796 ; with Parma, Paris,
November 5, 1796; with the Pope, Tolentino, February 19, 1796; with Venice,
Milan, May 16, 1797 ; with Portugal, August 20, 1797 ; with the Emperor, Campo-
Formio, October 17, 1797.

1 July 18, 1797.

' The following is the first letter written to Bonaparte by Talleyrand : —

"Paris, July 24, 1797.

"I have the honour to inform yon, General, that the Executive Directory has
appointed me Minister of Foreign Affairs, ^'ully alive to the fearful responsibility
my duties lay on me, it is necessary that I should seek confidence in the fact that your
glory cannot fail to facilitate the negotiations I may have to carry out. The mere
name of Bonaparte will remove all obstacles.

" I shall diligently acquaint you with all the views the Directory may instruct me
to bring to your knowledge, and fame, which quickly spreads all your achievements,
will often deprive me of the pleasure of informing the Directors of the manner in
Which you have carried out their views." (Unpublished official correspondence of
Napoleon Bonaparte with the Directory, the Ministry, &c. Paris, 1S19. 7 vols. Svo.)

^ lames Harris, Earl of Malmesbiiry, was born in 1746. In 176S, he was Secretary
of Embassy ; in 1 77 1, he was appointed Minister at Berlin ; in 1777, he went to St.
Petersburg in the same capacity ; in 1 783, he was sent to the Hague ; in 17S8, he
entered the House of Lords. After his missions to France, he retired to private life.
He died in 1820.

* As early as 1796, Pitt had made overtures of peace, and sent Malmesbury to
Paris. The negotiations were broken off on December 19, 1796. In the following

VOL. I. O

194 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Such were the relations of France with foreign countries
when I joined the ministry.

At home a faction was plotting the overthrow of the existing
order of things, to replace it by what ? Nobody ever knew or
ever will know ; for this faction was not numerous, and was
composed of Republicans and of former members of the Con-
stituent Assembly and of the National Convention, who may
have been united by common hatred, but who could certainly
not work any plan together.

At any rate, what soon became evident was the weakness
of this faction, easily overcome, and whose real or pretended
leaders were, in the course of a few hours, arrested for the most
part, charged with plotting against the established government,
convicted without being heard, and transported to Cayenne,^
by virtue of what was then termed a law.

Civil war continued to desolate the western provinces, where
the Republicans were masters of nearly all the towns. This
war, — the organizers of which handed to their families the
proud title of Vendccn, afterwards replaced and spoilt by that
of C/ioiian, — was then confined within limits beyond which some
vainly endeavoured to extend it. It had become more irksome
than dangerous for the trovernment.

The words of Republic, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, were
everywhere inscribed on all the walls, but the ideas and feelings
they expressed were nowhere to be met with. From the highest
authorities to those of the lowest rank, there was scarcely
one that was not most arbitrary in its formation, its composition
and mode of action. All was done with violence, and, as a
natural consequence, nothing could last.

The young general Bonaparte, who, for the last two years,
shone so brilliantly on the stage of the world, refused to be
swamped amongst the crowd of single generals ; he wanted to
hear his name bruited abroad more yet, and to continue to
attract all looks upon himself. Besides, he feared a situation in

year, Malmesburj' returned to Lille (July 4), and began fresh negotiations, which,
however, also failed.

' This was the coup J'eiat of Fructidor 18, year V. (September 4, 1797), made by
the Directory with the assistance of the army against the Councils, where the elections
of the yjrevious May had sent an anti-revolutionist majority. The greater portion of
these elections were quashed, and sixty-five Deputies transported to Cayenne.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 195

which he would be defenceless against the very dangers to which
his fame might give birth. Ambitious enough to wish to be
head of all, he was yet not so blind as to think this possible for
him in France, at least not without a concurrence of events
Vv'hich, at that time, could not be regarded as close at hand, or
even as probable.

England in the time of Cromwell had but one army. Crom-
well, who had selected all its officers, had only his own creatures
among them. Outside the army he had no rival in fame. Two
hours' fanaticism, skilfully employed, sufficed to put the troops
into the state of mind he wished. Finally, the Long Parliament,
which had concentrated all power within itself, had played its
part ; ^ all parties had grown tired of its tyranny ; they all
desired its overthrow.

These circumstances were all lacking in Bonaparte's case.
But if he had not yet the chance of ruling, as Cromwell, in his
own country, it was, on the other hand, not impossible that he
might cut out for hiniself a sovereignty elsewhere, provided
France first furnished him with the means.

After having signed the peace with Austria at Campo-
Formio, and paid a short visit to Rastadt, the place agreed upon
with the empire - for treating of the peace (for, after the example
of the old Romans, the French Republic had adopted the
principle of never comprising two of its enemies into the same
peace), he went to Paris to propose the conquest of Egypt to
the Directory.

I had never seen him. At the time of my nomination to
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs he had written to me, as I have
already mentioned, a long letter, carefully compiled, in which he
wished to appear under a different character from that which he
had hitherto played on the stage of public life. This letter is

1 The Long Parliament is the name given in England to the last Parliament
convened by Charles I. Having assembled in 1640, it lasted more than twenty
years. In 1648, Cromwell dismissed all members who were hostile to his own
policy, and in 1653, he dissolved it. Recalled in 1659, and nicknamed The Rump.
This Parliament broke up in 1660.

- Since the treaty of Campo-Formio, a congress had met at Rastadt (Grand
Duchy of Baden) to regulate the questions still under discussion (navigation of the
Rhine, indemnities to dispossessed princes, &c.). Reassembled at the beginning of
1798, it was suddenly interrupted by war at the beginning of the following year.

O 2

,96 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

sufficiently interesting to make one wish it to be inserted at the

end of these Memoirs} The evening of the day on which he

arrived in Paris, he sent me an aide-de-camp to ask at what

hour he could see me. I replied that I awaited his leisure ; he

fixed the next day at eleven a.m. I informed Madame de Stael

of this ; she was in my drawing-room at ten o'clock. There

were also some other persons whom curiosity had attracted

thither. I remember that Bougainville "^ was there. The

general was announced, and I went to meet him. While

crossing the room, I introduced Madame de Stael to him, but

he bestowed very little attention upon her. Bougainville was

the only one whom he condescended to notice, and to whom

he paid a few compliments.

At first sight, he seemed to me to have a charming face ; so
much do the halo of victory, fine eyes, a pale and almost con-
sumptive look, become a young hero. We entered my study.
Our first conversation was full of confidence on his part. He
dwelt in kind terms on my appointment as Foreign Secretary,
and insisted on the pleasure it afforded him to correspond with
a person of a different stamp from that of the directors. Almost
abruptly he said to me, " You are the nephew of the Archbishop
of Rheims, who is with Louis XVHI." (I noticed that he did not
then say with the Comte de Lille "') ; and he added, " I also have
an uncle who is an archdeacon in Corsica,* it was he who
brought me up. In Corsica, you know, an archdeacon is like a
bishop in France." We soon returned to the drawing-room
which had become filled with visitors, and he said in a loud
voice : " Citizens, I appreciate the .attentions paid to me ; I

^ This letter has not been found among the papers of the Prince de Talleyrand.
Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, born in 1729, was at first secretary of embassy,
and afterwards an officer of Dragoons. He was thirty-four years old when he
entered the navy. In 1766, he undertook round the world a voyage which lasted
three years. He left the navy in 1790, entered the Institute (1796), was made a
senator under the empire, and died in 1814.

* That was the name adopted by Louis XVIII. during the emigration.

* Jose])h Fesch, born in 1763, at Ajaccio. He was, in 1789, archdeacon of the
chapter of that town. Having protested againt the civil constitution of the clergy,
he retired from the chapter, put asi'^e his ecclesiastical func.ions, and became
covimissaire des guerres to the army of Italy {1795). After the iSth of Brumaire,
Fesch resumed his ecclesiastical duties, bicanie Archl ishop of Lyons (1802') ; cardinal,
and was sent as envoy extraordinary to Rome (1S04). He was recalled in 1808.
Peer of France during the Hundred Days, he retired to Rome at the Restoration
and died in 1809.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 197

waged war as well as I could, and as well as I could, made peace.
It now rests with the Directory to turn the latter to the happi-
ness and prosperity of the Republic." We then went together to
the Directory.

The hesitations and jealousy of the Directory caused a
certain annoyance to Bonaparte during the first weeks of his
-Stay in Paris. I gave a f6te to celebrate his victories in Italy
and the glorious peace he had signed. I spared no trouble to
make it brilliant and attractive ; although in this, I experienced
some difficulty on account of the vulgarity of the directors'
wives, who of course enjoyed precedence over all other ladies.
My apartments had been decorated as tastefully as possible,
and everybody congratulated me.

" All this must have cost you a lot, Citizen Minister? " Madame
Merliq/ the wife of the director, said to me.

" A'^ot a forttme, Madaml' I replied, in the same tone.

The next day numerous other jokes, most of which were
quite authentic, were going their round in Paris.

The Directory were then contemplating an expedition to
Ireland ' ; its command, at first intended for Hoche,^ who died
in the meantime, was afterwards offered to General Bonaparte,
but it did not suit his views. This expedition, whether a
success or a failure, could evidently not last long, so that the
young general would, on his return, have found himself exactly
in the same situation as he actually was. The army he would
have led to Ireland he could not have used as a tool to further
his own projects ; and, besides, he could have had no hope
of establishing himself firmly in that country.

Nor did he think of obtaining supreme power in Egypt, nor
indeed in any country he might have conquered with a French

1 Merlin de Douay (1754-1838), former member of the Constituent Assembly and
of the Convention. In 1795, he became Minister of Justice, then Minister of General
Police, and finally a director after the i8th of Fructidor ; he was chief president of
the Court of Cassation, under the Empire.

- The Directory intending to attack England at home, Ireland seemed to offer a
propitious field of operations ; a rising of her inhabitants might be expected. A first
attempt to land troops on that islandhad failed in January 1797. A second expedi-
tion started in August. General Humbert landed with 1, 100 men in the bay of Sligo,
was victorious at^Killala and at Castlebar, but was defeated at Ballinamuck and
obliged to surrender.

3 Heche died suddenly, September 18, 1797. He was then commander-in-chief
of the armies of " Sambre-et-Meuse " and of " Rhin-et-Moselle."

198 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

army. He did not yet anticipate that his army would be
satisfied with achieving victories that would only benefit him, and
consent to letting him take a crown, and still less placing it on
his head. The more so, that the troops over which he possessed
most command, and which, for this very reason, he most wished
to take with him, were composed of the very men \\\\\\ whom
he had just been campaigning in Italy, and who've republican
fanaticism he had himself aroused and carefully kept up. All
he expected from them was that they should enable him to
appear in the eyes of the Christians of the East and of all
Greeks, as a liberator ready to break their fetters ; as for the
ultimate realization of his ambitious dreams, he trusted to the
number, the energy and gratitude of these same Greeks, but
above all to some unforeseen chance. Such hopes, if they could
have been suspected, would not have been likely to promote the
success of his negotiation with the Directory. He therefore
affected to have but one aim in view — tc further the interests of
France. He spoke of Egypt as of a colony alone worth all the
colonies France had lost, and whence deadly blows could be
struck at the English power in India. He sometimes, however,
allowed his impetuous imagination and natural loquacity to
carry him beyond the limits of prudence, and talked of return-
ing to Europe by way of Constantinople, which was not exactly
the road to India ; so that it did not require much penetration
to guess that if ever he took Constantinople, the result of his
victory would not be to consolidate the throne of the successor
of the Kalifs or to substitute a republic one and indivisible to the
Ottoman Empire.

Yet the Directory were so struck with the importance of
getting rid of a man who caused them such umbrage and whom
they felt powerless to keep in check, that they eventually yielded
to Bonaparte, agreed that an expedition should be sent to
Egypt, appointed him to the command of the troops composing
the expedition, and thus paved the way for events they were
most anxious to prevent.

I must state here succinctly what was the situation of
Europe towards France at the time of Bonaparte's departure.

The Empress Catherine of Russia had been the first to

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 199

declare against the French Revolution, but all her policy had
been limited to making her opinions publicly known by means
of despatches which her ministers were instructed to show in the
different courts to which they were accredited. I saw a great
number of these letters in the hands of the Prince of Nassau.^
She had carefully abstained from joining in a war, the result of
which was necessarily to weaken her neighbours and, as a matter
of course, to increase her relative power. Having no fear that
French principles should contaminate her subjects, but justly
afraid of the efforts made by Poland to shake off her anarchy,
she had taken advantage of the moment when France, Prussia,
and Austria were fighting together to plot the dismemberment
of that kingdom, a portion of which she had already added to
her dominions, leaving the rest to Austria and Prussia.- She
died soon after (November 17, 1796).

It is impossible to tell what her successor, Paul I., who had
inherited the disease of his father, Peter III. ,^ would have done,
but for the invasion of Egypt by P>ance. At any rate, this
invasion became for him a decisive and peremptory pretext.

Since the time of Peter I., Russia had never ceased to con-
sider European Turkey as a prey which was eventually to fall to
her, which she was to absorb gradually, being unable to do so all
at once. This prey would have slipped from her for ever if,
through a revolution, Greece had recovered her independence ;
and the invasion of Egypt not only caused Russia to fear this
revolution, but pointed out to it as being inevitable.

Paul I., instead of the natural enemy of the Turks, at once
became their ally ; he entered into a league with England.
Austria joined them all the more readily that she had laid down
her arms against her will, and that, since the peace of Campo-
Formio, France had caused her much justifiable alarm.

1 The Prince Otto [von Nassau-Siegen, born in 1745, accompanied Bougainville
on his voyage round the world (1766-1769). On his return, he took service in
France, went afterwards to Spain, where the title of grandee and the rank of general
were conferred on him. In 1787, he went to Russia, was appointed head of a naval
squadron, and entrusted with sundry diplomatic missions to Vienna, Versailles and
Madrid. ' Vice-admiral in 1790, he was defeated by King Gustavus III. He then
retired to priv.aie life, came to Paris in 1802, and died in 1809.

2 This was the third and final dismemberment of Poland (February 11, I79S)-

s Through debauchery and excesses of all kinds, Peter III. had brought on him-
self epileptic fits. — {I'ranslator.)

200 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Some dispute which had arisen between the Vaudois and
the senate of Bern, their sovereign, afforded a pretext to the
Directory for sending troops to Switzerland, to both places at
once, and change the confederation into a republic one and
i)idivisible}

Under some other pretexts the Papal States had been
invaded by French troops, the Pope Pius VI. taken as a
prisoner to the Chartreux convent of Florence, and thence to
Valence, in Dauphiny, where he died ; his government replaced
by what was then called a republican administration.-

The King of Naples, justly afraid, but whom prudence
should have advised to keep quiet and bide his time, having
rashly, and against the advice of the court of Vienna, begun
hostilities with inexperienced and undisciplined troops, had
to take refuge in Sicily, abandoning his kingdom of Naples,
which the French Directory soon transformed into a Partheno-
pean republic.^

The Directory could then, if they had wished it, have made of
Italy a bulwark for France by forming but one single state with
the former fine country. But, far from doing- so, they felt much
provoked on learning that the fusion of the new republics into
one was secretly prepared in Italy, and they opposed this fusion
with all their might. They wanted republics which made them
odious to monarchies, but they wanted only small and weak
republics, in order to occupy militarily their territories under the
guise of protecting them, but in reality to rule them and feed
their troops at their expense, which made them odious to these
very republics.

All these upheavals taking place in the immediate neigh-

^^ The Swiss cantons were not all then independent as to-day The canton of
Vaud, for instance, was subject to the authority of Bern. It rose in insurrection
aj^ainst the latter and was crushed. Many Vaudois then took refuge in France. They
all pretended that Sv\ itzerland was in the hand.s of the FeJerali^t party, which was itself
serving the ends of Austria, and solicited the intervention of the Directory. Switzer-
land was invaded (Ft-bruar)' 1798), and the republic of Leman proclaimed with a
constitution similar to that of France.

- On December 27, 1797, a riot had broken out in Rome, General Duphot had
been killed in the course of it. On February 10 following. General Berthier became
master of the town. Five days later, the Roman republic was proclaimed by a
popular vote, at the instigation of the Directory.

* January 1799. Ferdinand IV., son of Charles III., King of Spain, was then
reigning at Naples. He had married Marie-Caroline, daughter of the Empress
Maria-Theresa.

THE lCN\-e:sTION, the directory, the consulate. 20I

hood of Austria, modified too much her relative situation for her
to witness them peaceably.

Her first object in taking up arms again was to break ofif the
negotiations of Rastadt : in this she succeeded ; but it is unfor-
tunate for her that to this rupture of negotiations should have
been added the assassination of the French plenipotentiaries.^
After this event it was but natural to expect a furious renewal
of hostilities.

The Directory were not wanting in soldiers towage the war ;
but, since the proscription of Carnot (Fructidor i8), they had
no one capable of directing the military operations ; and of all
their renowned generals, Moreau - alone was in France. But he
was accused, if not of having been implicated in the anti-
revolutionary plans of his friend Pichegru,^ at least of having
known them, and of having only disclosed them when too late.
For this reason, he was so much in disfavour with the re-
publicans, that the Directory would not have dared to entrust
him with a command however much inclined they might have
felt to do so. By authorizing Moreau to enlist as a simple

^ Roberjot, Bonnier and Debry : the latter was the only one to survive his
wounds.

- Victor Moreau, born at Morlaix in 1763, was [in 1787, prevost of the school of
law. He took service as a volunteer in 1792, became general in the following year
and commanded successively the army of the Rhine (1796), the army of Italy (1799),
and again the army of the Rhine (iSoo). He was very hostile to the First Consul ; he
was implicated in the conspiracy of Georges Cadoudal,* arrested, tried and sentenced to
two rears' imprisonment. Bonaparte commuted this sentence into banishment. In
1S13', Moreau returned from America, where he had been residing, served in the
Ru.s<,ian army as field-marshal, and was mortally wounded at Dresden August 25.

3 Charles Pichegru ( 1 761-1804) was a non-commissioned officer of artillery in 1789.
In 1793, he was appointed general commander-in-chief of the army of the Rhine,
took the command of the army of the North in 1794, and conquered Holland. He
allowed himself to give way to the solicitations of the royalist party, and plotted with
the chiefs of Conde's army. Having aroused the suspicions of the Directory, he lost
his command in 1 796. Having been elected, in 1797, a member of the Conseil des
Cinq-Cents, he became the leader of the anti-revolutionary party ,^ which, on Fructidor
18, led to his arrest and transportation to Guyana. He managed'to escape, however,
a short time after, reached England, joined in Cadoudal's conspiracy in 1803, was
arrested in Paris and strangled himself in his prison.

•• Oeorges Cadoudal, one of the most famous and gallant leaders of the royalist rising, known under
the name o^ Clwiianneric,w^'-. bom at Kerle'ano near Auray,in Morbihan (Brittany). His father was
a small landowner and had him brought up at the colle-e of ^■anne5. A fervent Catholic and loyal
royalist, Cadoudal was the first to organize the insurrection in Vende'e.in I793._ Though often crushed
by the Republiran troops, he always managed to escape, soon to appear again elsewhere at the head
of his followers, until at last General Erune annihilaied them completely at the battle of Grand-
Champ January 26, i8oo. Bonaparte, admiring Cadoudal's i/idomitable energy and courage, sent him
a s^ffTondurt and had him summoned to his presence, •^^■hen he endeavoured to win him over. Put
Cadourlal declined every offer, although he bound himself not to take up arms again. Having been
implicated in the plot of December 1800, when Bonaparte miraculously escaped the explosion of an
infernal machine in the Rue St. Nicaise, Cadoudal was arrested with many of his accomplices and
executed June 10, x'ioi,.—{Translator.)

202

THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

volunteer in the army of Italy, they considered they had done
much.

The presence of Moreau at the army of Italy did not
prevent it being thoroughly beaten and routed at the very
beginning of the action. Macdonald,^ who was coming up
from the heart of Italy with thirty-five thousand men, in order
to reinforce it, was crushed at Trebia"

All these sham republics raised by the Directory, vanished
as soon as reverse befell French arms, and, but for the
precaution previously taken by the Directory to retain in trust all
the fortresses in Piedmont, all the French troops would have
had to evacuate Italy. By rallying in and around these places
the scattered remnants of the armies of the Republic, Moreau
succeeded in stopping the progress of the enemy.

When the Directory revolutionized Switzerland, they did not
suspect that they were re-opening an inlet, closed for centuries,
by which foreigners were one day to enter France, and bring
about thither the great change so much dreaded b}' the revolu-
tionists. The Directory must even have experienced it themselves,
but for the blunder of the Archduke Charles,^ who evacuated
Switzerland in order to besiege Philipsburg in vain, and only
left behind him a bod}' of Russian troops, thus enabling Massena
to win the victor}^ of Zurich,"* which was all the more extolled in
Paris, that it was indispensable to the safety of France.

The Directory shared the fate of all despots. So long as their
armies were victorious, people hated their rule but feared their
power. But as soon as the hour of defeat came, that govern-
ment met with universal contempt. The press attacked it,
lampoon-writers held it up to ridicule, everybody denounced it.

' Alexandre Macdonald (1765-1840), was born of Irish parents, took service in
Dillon's Irish troops, became general of division in 1795, governor of the Papal
States in 1798. He fell out of favour in 1S04, again took service in 1S09, became
marshal of France and Due de Tarente after the victory of Wagram. In 1S14, he
became a member of the House of Peers, and high-chancellor of the Legion of Honour
in 1816.

^ June 17, 18, and 19, 1799.

2 The Archduke Charles was born in 1 77 1 ; he was the son of the Emperor Leopold.
lie became field-marshal of the German cmpi e in I 795, and Minister of War in 1S02.
Generalissimo of the Austrian armies in 1S05 and 1S09, the Archduke Charles was one of
the first captains of his time, and the most formidable of Napoleon's adversaries. He
died in 1847.-

* Massena was then commander-in-chief of the army of Helvetia. 1 he battle
of Zurich, where the Russian army was destroyed, was fought on Axigust 26, 1799.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 203

Naturally, the members of the ministry were not spared ; this
offered the opportunity I was looking for of resigning my post.
I had then ascertained that what little evil I could prevent was but
insignificant, and that, only later, could any real good be worked.
The intention I had had for a long time of resigning
had induced me to take certain precautions. I had acquainted
General Bonaparte with my resolution before his departure for
Egypt ; he fully approved the reasons which had led me to take it,
and kindly used his influence with the directors to solicit for me
the appointment of ambassador to Constantinople, in the event
of it being possible to come to some understanding with the
Porte, or else the authorization of joining him at Cairo, where,
there was reason to believe, negotiations might have to be opened
with the agents of the Sultan.^ Having obtained that authoriza-
tion, I sent in my resignation, and retired to the country, near
Paris, whence I watched the course of events.^

The staunch demagogues, who had, for some time past, resumed
an alarming attitude, agitated, and threatened to bring about a
new Reign of Terror. But their clubs, which they had re-opened,
and which Fouche^ closed as soon as he deemed it advisable,
were not to cause the overthrow of the Directory : the Directory
fell by the fault of its own members.

Si^yes was envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister
of the Republic in Berlin, when he was elected a member of the
Directory. His return to Paris was awaited with such impatience
that the time he required to take leave of the Prussian court,
start on the journey and reach the capital seemed intolerably
long to his colleagues of the government. They credited him
with possessing infallible means to remedy the critical situation
of France at home and abroad. He had scarcely alighted than

1 This is what Napoleon said subsequently, concerning his relations with Talley-
rand, before his departure for Egypt : " It had been agreed with the Directory and
Talleyrand, that immediately after the departure of the expedition sent to Egypt,
negotiations should be opened with the Porte concerning the object of this expedition.
Talleyrand was even to be the negotiator and to start /or Constantinople twenty-four
hours after the expeditionary corps to Egypt had left the port of Toulon. This promise,
expressly claimed and positively given, had been forgotten, not only did Talleyrand
remain in Paris, hut no negotiation took place," {Memoires de Napoleon dictes h Saini-
Hel'ene au g^niral Gourgaud, vol. i. , p. 62. )

s luly 20, 1799. ,

3 Fouche had been appointed minister of police, on Barras motion.

204 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

everybody begged of him to divulge those means. The most
influential among the members of both assemblies^ assured him
that he had but to speak, and that, in all in which they can help
him, they will strongly assist him. Before proposing anything,
Sieyes desired to see everything with his own eyes, to examine
and to ponder. The result of his investigations was that nothing
useful could be accomplished with the colleagues he had. There
and then three of them were removed. Among their successors
two were but regular ciphers, the third was devoted to him.- Si(^yes
then no longer complained of the men, it was, he urged, abso-
lutely necessary to modify the institutions. Five rulers were too
many ; three would be sufficient. The name of Directory had
become hateful ; it must be replaced by some other appellation.
It was, above all things, indispensable that the government
should comprise among its members a military man possessing
the confidence of the army, as unless a government be supported
by the army, it is powerless to do any good.

Moreau, having been sounded as to whether he would accept
the post of member of the government, declined all but military
functions. General Joubert was then thought of, and, in order to
enable him to win the desirable fame he did not yet possess, he
was sent to Italy with a command. On arriving, he fought
imprudently the battle of Novi,^ and was killed at the beginning
of the action, thus causing all the hopes built on him to vanish.
The situation remained as intricate as ever, and goodness knows
how matters would have ended, but for an event which the
Directory least expected.

After the conquest of Egypt, Bonaparte had followed up the
execution of his plans by attempting that of Syria. But Acre
stopped his progress. Although he had lost all his siege guns,
captured by English cruisers, on the way from Egypt to S>'ria, he
insisted on attacking the Turkish stronghold. After furiously

'^ The Conseils des Ancient (Council of the Elders) and the Conseil des Cinq Cents
(Council of the Five Hundred). — {Translator.)

'' This change of directors constituted what is known in history as the coup d'etat
of Prairial 30 (May 1799), aimed by the assemblies against the Directory. Director
Treilhard was removed, and Gohier appointed in his stead. Lareveillere-Lepeaux
and Merlin were called upon to resign, being replaced by Moulins and Roger Ducos.
The latier was entirely devoted to .Sieyes.

3 August 15, 1799.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 205

storming the place three times, he was, however, compelled to
withdraw and bring his troops back to Egypt, where the English
threatened to land. His magnificent hopes were thus vanishing ;
that even of holding his own in Egypt was becoming anything
but certain. He was haunted by the fearful apprehension of being
reduced to leave the country only through a capitulation, which
would have left him the reputation of being but an adventurer.
Fortunately, the vicissitudes of the French arms in Italy relieved
him from his perplexity, by giving him the rashness of doing what
otherwise he never would have dared to attempt. Without any
authority to do so, he handed his command to Kleber, left Egypt,
escaped from English cruisers, and landed at Frejus.^

As anticipated by him, the political parties of France saw in
him not a man who was to account for his conduct, but one whom
circumstances rendered indispensable, and whose favour it was
necessary to win.

At first, some people thought that Barras, the author of
Bonaparte's fortune, who of all former directors was the only
one still in office, was so far mistaken in his judgment of the
young general and had so much overrated his own influence over
him, as to flatter himself that he could induce him to play the
part of a Monk ; but Bonaparte who, even if he had been able
to do so, would have declined it, was really not at that time in
a position to play such a part.

He could not, therefore, hesitate long, between such a proposal,
supposing it was made to him, and the offer not exactly of
supreme power, but of a position that enabled him to aspire
to it.

A great number of his supporters would doubtless have
preferred to see him appointed simply a member of the Directory,
but matters had reached such a point, that everybody was obliged
to be satisfied with whatever Bonaparte might wish, and the very
nature of things made him master of the situation. As a director,
he could not have carried out his ambitious designs.

It was therefore agreed that the Directory should be replaced
by three provisory consuls who, with the assistance of two
committees from the conseils, would have to draft a new consti-

' October 9, 1799.

2o6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

tution to be submitted to the approval of the primary assembh'es,
for the sovereignty of the people was a dogma which nobody
was, then, dreaming of putting into question,^

This plan having been arranged, the council of elders,
according to the rights conferred on them by the constitution,
and under the pretext of the excitement existing in Paris,
transferred the seat of the legislature to St. Cloud. By so
doing, it was hoped to check all obstacles to the measures that
had been concerted. The two most influential members of the
Directory (Sie}'es and Barras), the majority of the council of the
elders and a portion of the council of the Five Hundred, were
in favour of this step. On Brumaire i8 (November 9, 1799), the
Directorial guards under the command of Augereau, who had
been appointed to it since Fructidor 18, a host of general officers
and other military men of all ranks, as also a few sightseers,
amongst whom I was, repaired to St. Cloud, in order to attend
the sitting.

Notwithstanding this display of force, the council of the

^ A few dnys before Brumaire 1 8, my house was the scene of an incident, the whole
interest of which lies in the circumstances that attended it. CJeneral Bonaparte, who
wa-s then residing in the rue Chantereine,*' called on me, one evening, to talk about
the preliminaries of his intended coiip cTctal. I was then living in a house in the rue
Taitbout, which, I believe, has since been known as number 24. It was situated at
the back of a yard, and, the first floor of it communicated with rooms overlooking the
street. We were engrossed in conversation in the drawing-room which was lighted
by a few candles ; when, at about one o'clock in the morning, we heard a great noise
in the street ; it sounded like the riding of carriages and the stamping of horses, such
as might be produced by an escort of cavalry. Suddenly the carriages stopped in
front of my house. General Bonaparte turned pale, and I cjuite believe I did the
same. We at once thought that people had come to arrest us by order of the
Iiirectory. I Mew out the candles, and went on tiptoe, to one of the front rooms
whence I could see what was going on in the street. Some time elapsed before I could
ascertain the real cause of all this uproar, which, however, turned out to be simply
grotesque. As in those days, the streets of Paris were hardly safe at night, all the
money of gambling-houses was collected, at closing-time, and removed in cabs, for
which, in this case the proprietor h.-id obtained from the police that an escort of
gendarmes, which he himself paid, should, every night, accompany the cabs as far as
his residence which was in the rue de Clichy, or thereabout. On the night in question,
one of the^e cabs had met with an accident exactly in front of my door, thus causing
the whole party to stop on their way for about a quarter of an hour. We laughed a
good deal, the general and I, at our panic, which however was but natural on the
part of people acquainted as we were with the disposition of the Directory, and the
violent measures they were capable of resorting to. — [Prince Talleyrand.)

* In t68o, it was but .1 small lane known under the name of '* Ruellette aux marais des Porcherons "
(Little lane of the swinehtnJs' swampi). In 1734, it was called " Ruelle des pL>stes," changed after-
wards to that of " rue Chaiitereine." There Bon.aparte prissessed .a residence, where he came to live
on re-entering France, after the treaty of Campo-Fonnio. From this circumstance, that street received
the name of "rue de la Victoire." In i3r6, it resumed its fornier name of rue Chantereine, and in
i8';2, it reassumed the name of rue de la Victoire, whiclt it preserves to this day. It is situated not
Car from tlie Opera — ( Translator )

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 207

Five Hundred offered such opposition to the proposed modifica-
tion of the constitution, as to jeopardize the execution of the plan
in view, although its object was merely to substitute one form of
polygaixhy for another (I am always obliged to make use of
this barbaric expression, for want of any equivalent). Thus it
is easy to imagine what would have happened to him who had
manifested any desire to play the part of Monk ; he would have
had against him nearly all the men to whom the success of the
coup d'etat of Brumaire 18 was, more or less, due.

At last, both persuasion and threats having been brought to
bear, the motion was carried. The Director}'- was dissolved,
Sieyes, Roger Ducos,^ and Bonaparte were appointed consuls,
and the committees who were to draft the project of constitution
were all that remained of the Councils. Ten or twelve days
later, I again became Foreign Secretary.

The overthrow of the Directory could not fail to please, or at
least, be indifferent to all the foreign powers friendly with France.
There being no reason to fear an}' modification in their disposi-
tion, no special steps were needed to inform them of the change
of government. As for hostile powers, the only hope of altering
their attitude towards France lay in fresh victories. Though no
negotiations had to be carried on abroad, yet at home a most
important and delicate negotiation was being proceeded with,
and although I had nothing to do with it in an official capacity,
it could not be either foreign or indifferent to me.

It became necessary either to re-establish monarchy or else
to have made the 18 Brumaire in vain,' thus postponing to an un-
certain and perhaps indefinite date the hope of a restoration of
monarchical institutions. Re-establishing monarchy did not mean
raising the throne again. Monarchy has three degrees or forms :
it is elective for a time, elective for life, or hereditary. What is
called the throne cannot belong to the first of these three forms,
and does not necessarily belong to the second. Now, to reach the

1 The Comte Roger Ducos, born in 1754, had been a member of the National
Convention, where he voted for the death of the king. He was elected a member of
the Council of the Elders, of which he became the president in 1796. On Prairial 30,
he was appointed one of the Directors. On Brumaire 18, he gave active support to
Bonaparte, became a consul pro tewporc, and was appointed a senator under the empire,
in 1814 ; he was appointed a peer of France, during the Hundred Days, was exiled m
1815, and died at Ulm in 1816.

2o8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

third, without passing successively by the two others, unless
France were in the power of foreign forces, was a thing abso-
lutely impossible. It might, it is true, not have been so, if Louis
XVI. had lived, but the murder of that prince had put an insur-
mountable obstacle in the way

The passing from polygarchy to hereditary monarchy could not
be immediate, the result being, as a necessary'- consequence, that
the re-establishment of the latter and the re-establishment of the
house of Bourbon could not be simultaneous. Thus it was
indispensable to pave the way for the restoration of monarchical
institutions without having regard for the special interests of
the house of Bourbon, which time might bring back, if it so
happened that he who was to occupy the throne proved himself
unworthy and deserved to lose it. It was necessary to make a
temporary sovereign who might become sovereign for' life, and
eventually hereditary monarch. The question was not whether
Bonaparte had the qualities most desirable in a monarch ; he
had unquestionably those which were indispensable to again
accustom France to monarchical discipline, as she was still
infatuated with every revolutionary doctrine ; and no one
possessed those qualities in the same degree as he did.

The real point was how could Bonaparte be made a temporary
sovereign ? If one proposed to appoint him sole consul, one
betrayed views which could not be concealed with too much
care. If, on the other hand, one gave him colleagues equal to
him in rank and power, one remained in polygarchy.

They remained in polygarchy if they established a legislative
body, either permanent, or which was to sit at fixed dates without
previous summons, and to prorogue itself. If this body, though
divided into two distinct assemblies, could alone make the
laws, they remained in polygarchy. In short, they remained in
polygarchy if the high officials, and chiefly the judges, were to
continue to be named by the electoral assemblies. The problem
to be solved was, as may be seen, very intricate, and bristling
with so many difficulties that it was almost impossible to avoid
arbitrary measures ; and they were not avoided.

Three consuls were created, a first, a second, and a third
consul, unequal in rank, and whose respective duties were such

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 209

that, with some interpretations (that Bonaparte knew better than
any one how to give when his own power was at stake), the First
Consul was ahnost alone invested, by that very fact, with the
share of authority' which, in limited or constitutional monarchies,
is in the hands of the sovereign. The only essential difference
was, that, instead of limiting his power to the sanction of the
laws, he was also entrusted with proposing them, a plurality
of power which proved fatal to himself

In order to render the power of the First Consul still more
effective, I made, on the very day of his installation, a proposi-
tion which he readily accepted. The three consuls Avere to meet
every day, and the ministers were to acquaint them with the
affairs of their respective departments. I pointed out to General
Bonaparte the fact that all matters connected with foreign affairs,
being essentially secret, should not be discussed in council,
and that it was necessary that he should himself alone decide
all questions of foreign policy, which the head of a government
should have entirely in his hands and manage. He fully grasped
the utility of that advice ; and as, when organizing a new govern-
ment, everything is easier to settle, it was agreed, from the very
first day, that I should work only with the First Consul.

The first act of General Bonaparte, in quality of First Consul,
was to write to the King of England a letter in which he ex-
nressed the wish for a prompt reconciliation between the two
countries. He made a similar advance to the Emperor of Austria.
These two attempts led to no reconciliation, and could not lead
to any, but they had a happy effect upon the internal peace of
the country, because they announced dispositions which ought
to be agreeable to the people, in revealing as a skilful statesman
the o-reat o-eneral who had become the head of the government.
This done, the refusal of the two cabinets being well proved
by a failure to reply to those letters, which were not even honoured
with an acknowledgment,^ Bonaparte no longer thought of any-
thing but taking measures to go to meet the enemy on a field
of battle, where he was to find none but Austrians.

Paul I., discontented with Austria, by whom he believed him-

I Lord Grenville and Herr von Thugut both replied lo M. de Talleyrand to

rciect the propositions of the First Consul.

VOL. I. ^

2IO THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

self to have been betrayed/ had recalled his troops from Germany.
The First Consul, availing himself of this circumstance, collected
the few Russian prisoners who were in France, had them newly
clothed, and sent home without ransom. He directed one of
the officers who commanded them to offer to the Emperor Paul
the sword of La \^alette found at Malta. It is known that the
Emperor of Russia had taken the order of Malta under his
special protection.- Touched by these delicate proceedings, the
Emperor Paul, who got easily prejudiced, directed General von
Sprengtporten,-' to make overtures of peace to France ; these
overtures were followed up by M. de Kalitcheff, and led to a
definite treaty, which I negotiated and signed with M. de Markoff.'*

^ Souwaroff had just conquered Piedmont, and, by the orders of his master, had
written to the King of Sardinia to invite him to return to his possessions. Austria, which
coveted Northern Italy, was stirred by that measure, and the AuHc Council, which,
had the direction of the military operations, rid themselves of this troublesome ally by
sending him to Switzerland. The Ivussian army suffered cruelly in crossing the Alps,
and was destroyed at Zurich. The Emperor Paul and Souwaroff were much irritated
against the Austrians, whom they accused of being the cause of this disaster, and the
Russian troops were recalled.

^ The intervention of the Czar Paul in the affairs o^ the order of Malta is one of
the singularities of the history of that time. The relations between the two powers
date from 1795. The order possessed great wealth in Poland. This wealth being
included in the territories fallen to Russia after the division of 1795, the Grand-Master,
Prince de Rohan, endeavciured to negotiate an arrangement with Catherine. The
Emjieror Paul, having in the meantime ascended the throne, took the affair to heart,
entered into relations with Malta, and was inflamed with a lively admiration for the
old and glorious traditions of the Knights of St. John. On January 4, 1797, there
was signed an instrument by the terms of which the possessions of the order in
Poland were transferred to the grand priory of Russia. Seventy-two commanderies
were created in one year. The Czar and his son became Knights of Malta. After
the taking of the island by the French, the Czar, on the request of the grand priory
declared himself protector of the order (September 1798), and two months after,
the place of Grand Master having become vacant, a fraction of the order had the
idea of offering it to the Czar. Paul solemnly accepted this new dignity. Bonaparte
profited skilfully by these circumstances to conciliate Russia, and to detach it from
Germany. It was then that he sent to the Czar the sword of La Valette, the Grand
Master, found at Malta ; or, according to another authority, the sword of the
Grand Master Villiers de ITle-Adam, that Leo X.had given to that illustrious warrior
as a remembrance of his fine defence of Rhodes. When Malta was taken by the
English, Paul claimed it in quality of Grand Master (September iSoo). Put the Eng-
lish reni-.Ld formal!)' to cede this important post, and a rupture ensued. The death
of Paul (March iSoi) terminated this curious eiiisode. His successor, Alexander, did
not claim the island, and the matter ended there. (Consult the Memoirs of Abbe
Georgel.)

* Baron Joram von Sprengtix^irten, a Swedish general, and one of the authors of
the Revoluti.m of 1 772, ji.xsscd afterwards into the service of Russia. He became
governor of Pinland, after the cunfjuest of that countryby Russia, and died in oblivion.

^ October 8, iSoi. Arcadi Ivanovitch, Count Markoff, was, under the reign of
Catherine, first counsellor of foreign affairs. Having fallen into disgrace under Paul
J., he was recalled by Alexander, and appointed ambassador at Paris in iSoi. He
incurred the enmity of lionaparte, who demanded and obtained his removal. On

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 211

M. de Markoff had made his first appearance in public life
under the reign of the Empress Catherine, and had been sent
later to Paris, as one of the most skilful business men of Russia.
Reappeared to me a bad-tempered man, without instruction, but
witty. His temper bore then upon his own government, which
is very convenient for the minister of foreign affairs of another
country. While the Emperor Paul lived, business relations were
easy and agreeable, but, at the accession of the Emperor
Alexander, M. de Markoff became arrogant and insupportable.
It was with him that I treated the important matter of the
secularizations in Germany.^

Carnot, member of the Directory, having escaped from
Cayenne, where he had been so cruelly exiled, with so many
others, on Fructidor 18, had for some time been holding
the post of minister of war. His first care, on taking
office, was to assemble two armies, one on the Rhine, the
other at the foot of the Alps. General Moreau had the
command of the first ; Bonaparte with the second rushes
upon Italy by a new route, and, without losing a cannon,
crosses Great St. Bernard, May 20, 1800. He falls, without
warning, upon the Austrians, and, after several fortunate encoun-
ters, he gives battle, June 14, at Marengo ; after a hard contest
Fortune, aided by General Desaix,^ and General Kellerman,*

his return to Russia, Markoif was often entrusted with important diplomatic missions.
He died at a very advanced age.

^ It would need a volume, and perhaps I shall make it, to give a full account of
this important question. The Marquis de Lucchesini (*) has tried it, but in his work he
has only occupied himself with personal justifications — a strange way of writing the
history of one's times, for it rarely modifies the opinions of one's contemporaries. When
one is called to settle political questions of great importance, one must leave to
those whose private interests have been sacrificed to the general interest the consola-
tion of blaming the negotiators and of calumniating them without scruple. Up to this
time, that which appears to be most exact on that period is the work of Baron von
Gagern (t), a man of sense, attached to the house of Nassau. — [Talleyrand.)

* The Marquis Jerome de Lucchcbini (1752-1825), a Prussian diplomatist, was ambassador at
Paris in 1802. The work mentioned above : SulU cause e gli effecti dcUa coiifederaxione rhenanaiX)
was published anonymously in Italian (Florence, 182^).

t 1 he Baron Johan von Gagern (1766-1852) was minister of the Prince of Nassau at Paris, under
the Con-^ulate. He has left nu.iierous works on lil-,lory and political economy.

\ Causes and Consequences of the Cunfederation of the Rhine.

a J.ouis-Antoine Desaix, issue of a noble family originally of Ayat, near Riom, and
known before the Revolution under the name of Des Aix de Veygous. Born in 176S,
Desaix was in 1789, sub-lieutenant in the Brittany regiment. He became Commissary
of War in 1791, and general of division in 1794. He was intimately associated with
Bonaparte, followed him into Egypt, returned to Europe after the treaty of El Arisch,
and was killed at Marengo, June 14, iSoo.

' Fran9ois-Etienne Kellermann (1770- 1835) was the son of the old Marshal

P 2

212 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

declares for him when even he himself no longer hoped for it.
The armistice which followed, made him again master of
Italy. Warned by the fears that he had had of a defeat, he
knew now better how to profit by his victory without abusing it.
He felt the need of strengthening his power before increasing
it, and knowing well that military glory would be his principal
title to power, he feared those victories for which France would
not be indebted to him, almost as much as the reverses he
endured himself So he hastened to set up, by his armistice, the
basis of a new peace, in which the empire of Germany should be
comprised, which rendered almost useless the victory of Hohen-
linden,^ which had opened the road to Vienna to General Moreau.
The treaty between France and Austria stipulating for herself
and for the empire, was to be negotiated at Luneville, and
Count Louis von CobenzP had been designated as plenipoten-
tiary by the emperor, who had authorized him to go to Paris
before the opening of the negotiations. The court of Vienna
had chosen him because he had treated at Campo-Formio with
Bonaparte, who was then only General of the Army of Italy,
and because intimate relations had then sprung up between them
which Count von Cobenzl believed it would be easy to renew,
but which the First Consul soon caused him to forget. There
happened on this occasion a rather curious scene.

Bonaparte gave Cobenzl a first audience at nine o'clock in the
evening, at the Tuileries. He had attended personally to the
arrangement of the room in which he wished to receive the
Austrian plenipotentiary ; it was in the parlour which precedes
the king's study. He had caused to be put in the corner a
small, table in front of which he was seated ; all other seats had
been removed, there only remained sofas, which, however, were
rather far from the table. On this were papers and an inkstand

Kelleiman, Due de Valmy. lie was general of brigade at Marengo, where he decided
the victory at the head of his cavalry. lie became peer of France during the Hundred
Days,* was excluded from the Upper House by Louis XVIII., and did not re-enter it
until 1830.

■" A village of Bavaria thirty kilometres east of Munich. The victory of Moreau
over the Archduke Johan was obtained December 3, iSoo.

* Louis, Count von Cobenzl (1758- iSoS), ambassador from Austria at Copenhagen,
at Berlin and at St. Petersburg, plenipotentiary at Campo-Formio, at Rastadt and at
Luneville. Chancellor of State and l\Iinister of Foreign Affairs in 1S02.

* The period extending frnm March 20, 1S15 (return from Klb.i), to June 28, 1815 (abdication of
Napoieon at Fontainebleau). — {Trar.ilaior.)

THE COXVENTRW, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 213

with writing materials ; there was but one lamp ; the chandelier
was not lighted. Count von Cobenzl entered : I led the way.
The gloom of the room, the distance which separated the visitor
from the table at which Bonaparte was sitting and whom the
former barely perceived ; the kind of embarrassment resulting from
these circumstances ; the attitude of Bonaparte, who rose and
seated himself again ; the impossibility in which the Count was
not to remain standing, set each at once in the right place, or,
at least, in the place the First Consul intended each to occupy.

After the conferences held at Luneville between Joseph
Bonaparte and Count von Cobenzl, they soon signed the treaty ,1
and general peace was thus very nearly restored on the
Continent.

A short time before, a convention made with the United
States, signed at Mortefontaine also by Joseph Bonaparte, had
terminated all the differences which existed between the French
Republic and that power.-

England, without allies abroad, and experiencing some em-
barrassment within, felt herself the need of peace. The pre-
liminaries, after some debates rather curious for all the wit
displayed for and against a maritime armistice, were concluded
at London between Mr. Addington ^ and M. Otto.-* It was at
Amiens, that Lord Cornwallis ^ and Joseph Bonaparte signed
the definitive treaty. France, who had lost all her colonies,

^ February 9, I So I.

2 American commerce had greatly suffered from the measures taken by the Conven-
tion against neutrals. The United States having signed a treaty with England which
gave to that power the right of ontiscaiing all ships carrying enemies' goods (Novem-
ber 1794), the Convention retaliated by an identical measure, and broke off all
relations with the American Cabinet. On its side, Congress annulled all past treaties
with France. They were advancing towards an open rupture when Bonaparte, coming
into power, abolished the decrees o\ the Convention. A treaty signed on September
30, iSoo, smoothed all difficulties, and the relations between the two countries
resumed their normal course.

3 Henry Addmgton, \'iscount Sidmouth, born in 1755. Member of the House of
Commons in 17S2. Chancellor of the Excliequer in iSoi, he contribuied actively to
the Peace of Auiiens. He retired in 1S04, but re-entered office again for a short
lime in 1S06. In 1812, he wab appointed Home iMinister, a post which he occupied
imtil 1822. He died in 1844.

■* Guillaume Otto, Comte de Mosloy (1754-1817), was minister at London in 1800.
He became minister at Munich, Councillor of State, ambassador at Vienna ( I S09),
Minister of State in 1813.

* Charles Cornwallis, statesman and English general, born in 1738, Member of
the Chamber of Lords, 1762, Governor of India, 1786, Governor of Ireland, 1793.
In 1801 he was one of the plenipotentiaries at Amiens. Again Governor of India in
1805, he died on reaching his post.

214 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

recovered them all, without having to restore anything. Per-
haps her dignity may have suffered from her having left all
the burden of the compensations to the charge of Spain and
Holland, her allies, who had been engaged in the war only for
her sake and by her advice. ^ But that is a consideration made
by few people, and which never presents itself to the minds
of the multitude, accustomed to take the success of bad faith
for cleverness.

I must not omit to state that one of the articles of the treaty
of Amiens stipulated the abandonment of Malta by the English.
Bonaparte, who, by gaining possession of this island, had changed
the fate of the Mediterranean, put great stress upon having it
restored to its old masters, and could not bear to hear me say
that I would willingly have left Malta to the English, provided
the treaty had been signed by Mr. Pitt or by Mr. Fox, instead
of by Mr. Addington.

Previous to those treaties, a kind of compact or agreement
had put an end to the civil war which had broken out anew in
Vendee and the provinces of the west.

At the time of the battle of Marengo, a secret bond was
formed between Bonaparte and the Papal Court.* The victorious
general had held, at Milan, several conferences with an envoy
from Pius VII., elected at \"enice as successor to Pius VI. : these
conferences eventually led to the Concordat^ subsequently
signed at Paris by Cardinal Consalvi. This compact and its
immediate ratification reconciled France with the Holy See,
without any other opposition than that of a few military men,
very brave, be it said, but whose minds were not lofty enough
for a conception of that kind.

It was after this reconciliation with the Church, to which I
powerfully contributed, that Bonaparte obtained from the Pope

^ Spain lost the island of Trinity, and Molland, Ceylon.

^ A suspension of arms liad been signed in December 1 799. On January 18,
1800, M. d'Autichamp surrendered in (he name of the provinces of the left bank of
the Loire. On the 20th, M. de Chaliilon did the same in the name of the right
bank. In Ilrittany, M. de Bourmunt gave himself up on January 24, and Georges
Cadoudal on the 27th, so that the whole country was soon pacified.

^ As early as June iSoo, Lonaparte had opened negotiations with the court of
Rome, through the medium of Cardinal Martiniane, Bishop of Verceil.

■* The Co«i-^ri/a/' was signed on July 15, iSoi. Cardinal Consalvi wa^ the Secretary
of State to the Court of Rome.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 215

a brief for my secularization. The brief is dated from Saint
Peter's of Rome, June 29, 1802.^

It seems to me that nothing expresses better the indulgence
of Pius VII. towards myself, than what he said one day to
Cardinal Consalvi, in speaking of me : " M. de Talleyrand ! ah !
ah ! may God have his soul ; as for me, I am very fond of him ! "

Switzerland, whom the Directory, at the instigation of
MM. La Harpe- and Ochs ^ wished to transform into a republic
one and indivisible, had become again, as she desired, a con-
federation with the ancient leagues ; and this, by virtue of an
act called the act of mediation, because France had served as
mediator between all the old and new cantons.*

' ACTE DU GOUVERNEMENT.

ARRfeTE DU 2 FRUCTIDOR, AN X.

Les Consuls de la republique ; vu le bref du Pape Pie VII. donne h. Saint-Pierre
de Rome le 29 Juin, 1802 ;

Sur le rapport du Conseiller d'Etat charge de toutes les affaires concernant les
cultes ;

Le Conseil d'Etat entendu ;

Arretent : Le bref du Pape Pie VII. donne a Saint-Pierre de Rome, le 29 Juin

1802, par lequel le citoyen Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand, ministre des relations
exterieures de France, e'^t rendu a la vie sc'culiere et laique, aura son plein et entier
effet.

Le premier consul : BONAPARTE.
Le secretaire d'Etat : H. B. MARET.*

* Frederic-Cesar de la Harpe (1754-1838), born in the Canton of Vaud, had taken
an active part in the troubles which V)roke out in that country. ProscriKed after the
victory of the Canton of Bern, and obliged to take refuge in France, he brought
about the intervention of the Directory ; he was named director at the time of the
proclamation of tlie Helvetian Republic (1798).

3 Pierre Ochs (1749-1824) was also a Swiss refupee compromised after the rising
of the Canton of Vaud. He was a member of the Helvetian senate and director in
1798.

* The intervention of the Directory in Switzerland had only increased the disorder ;
so, when in 1802, Bonaparte proposed his mediation, it was immediately accepted.
All the cantons sent deputies to Paris wlio entered into conference with MM.
Barthelemy, Fouche, and Roederer. The Act of Medintion was signed February 19,

1803. It fixed for each canton a special constitution, and organized a federal power.
On October 19, following, a treaty of alliance was made between France and
Switzerland.

* ACT OF THE GOVERNMENT.

ORDER OF FKUCriDOK 2, YKAR X.

The Consuls of the Republic ; according to the brief of Pope Pius VII. given at Saint-Peter o{
Rome, on June 29, 1802 ; • , „ , • , ,•

In accordance with the report of the Councillor of State entrusted with all matters relative to public
worship ;

After taking the advice of the Council of State ;

Order : The brief of Pope Pius VII., given at Saint-Peter of Rome on June 29, 1802, according to
which citizen Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, is authorized to
resume secular and lay life, shall take fuU and entire effect.

The First Consul: BONAPARTE.
The Secretary of State : H. B. MARET.

2i6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Spain, in accordance with the clauses of the treaty of Basel,
had restored Louisiana to France who, in consideration of the
payment of a certain sum, ceded it to the United States
(April 30, 1803). The latter kept a portion of the price as
indemnity for the losses sustained by American citizens in con-
sequence of the absurd decrees of the Convention.

The Ottoman Porte, Portugal, the Two Sicilies, had re-
newed their old ties of friendship and of commerce with
France.^

The distribution of the secularized territories in Germany
was being made under the double mediation of France and of
Russia.^

It can be said without the least exaggeration, that at the time
of the Peace of Amiens, France was without in possession of a
power, a glory, an influence, than which the minds of the most
ambitious could have desired no greater for their country ; and
what rendered this situation more marvellous still was the
rapidity with which it had been created. In less than two
years and a half, that is to say from the iSth Brumaire (Novem-
ber 9, 1799), to March 25, 1S02, date of the Peace of Amiens,
France had passed from the humiliating depths into which the
Directory had plunged it, to the first rank of Europe.

But while occupying himself with foreign affairs, Bonaparte
had not neglected those at home. His incredible activity sufficed
for all. He had given new regulations for the administration,

^ Treaty with Turkey, June 25, 1802. With Portugal, September 20, iSoi.
With the Two Sicilies, March 28, 1801. These last two powers promised to close
their ports to the English.

- Before the wars of the Revolution, the left bank of the Rhine was covered with
secular and ecclesiastic principalities. The treaties of Campo-Formio and Luneville
in ceding to France all those territories had stipulated that the lay princes should be
indemnified with the wealth of the secular clergy. It remained now \.v apply the
principle. The emperor, who would have had to take this affair in hand, allowed
himself to be forestalled by the P'irst Consul, who, being solicited by several of the
interested princes, was careful not to fail to profit hy the occasion. Reassured him-
self of the concurrence of Prussia, by promismg that country considerable advantages
{secret treaty, May 23, 1S02). The Emperor Alexander, whom family alliances had
united to the Houses of Pavaria, Baden, and Wiirtemberg, entered into his views, and
declared himself the protector of the dispossessed princes (Convention of October n,
1802). Bnmediately secret treaties were negotiated between France on the one side,
and Wiirtemberg, Baden, Bavaria, Hesse-Cassel on the other, which assured their
share to each ot these States. Those treaties were subniiticd to the Diet, which
adopted the whole of the plan of indemnities (decision of February 25, 1803) and
the emperor, after much hesitation, ratified that decision on the 27th of the following
April. (See Lefebvre, Hiilory of the Cahintts of Europe, vol. i. ch. vi.)

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 217

which he had made as much as possible monarchical. He had
skilfully re-established order in the finances. The ministers of
rehgion were honoured. Not satisfied with crushing the various
political parties, he had sought to attach them to himself, and he
had succeeded to a certain extent. To have been an emigre, or
a Jacobin, was no longer considered a reason for exclusion. In
order to further isolate Louis XVIII.and to take away from him
the kingh" air that a large emigration had given him, Napoleon
permitted many emigres to re-enter France. He bestowed
appointments on many of them, and attached some to his own
person. The Jacobins forgot their aversion for personal rule, and
the emigres were led to regret less that authority had passed into
other hands.^

In spite of the prolonged troubles of the Revolution, indus-
trial arts had reached a verj' prosperous state in France. Much
capital had been attracted by them. To attain high internal
prosperity, all that was now necessary was .security, and the
general opinion of France was that Bonaparte had given it.

Thus those who had helped in raising him to power, had
reason to congratulate themselves. He had used his authority in
a manner to render it useful, even to make himself loved. One
could believe that he had put an end to the Revolution. In
restoring power, he had become the auxiliary of all the thrones.
The salutary influence it had acquired, gave the Consulate, in
the eyes of Europe, the stability of an old government. Con-
spiracies, from one of which Bonaparte had miraculously escaped,
had strengthened the sentiment felt towards him by the friends
of order. Thus, when his two colleagues proposed the primary
assemblies of France to name him First Consul for life, this
proposition received an almost unanimous vote.^

The deputies of the Cisalpine Republic repaired to Lyons, in

1 I remember, that one day, as I seemed astonished at seeing some of the most
shameless Jacobins of the Revolution leave the study of the First Consul, be said
to me : " You do not know the Jacobins. There are two classes of them : the siveet
and the salt.* The one you just saw come out was a salt Jacobin ; with these, 1 do
what I wish : no one better fit to defend all the daring acts of a new power. Some-
times it is necessary to stop them, but with a little money it is soon done. But the
sweet jacobins ! ah ! they are ungovernable. With their metaphysics they would
ruin any government." — [Talleyrand.)

2 August 2, 1802.

' Les SHCres el les sales, that is, the mild and the violent.

21 8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

order to obtain from the First Consul a definitive organization
for their country.^ Although the business which was to be
negotiated at Lyons was foreign to my duties, Bonaparte made
use of me considerably to conduct it. I was obliged to proceed
to that city in order to see the members of the deputation. In
such delicate matters he did not much rely on what was done or
said by M. Chaptal," his Minister of the Interior, whom he deemed
heavy, vain, without tact, and whom he abstained from dismissing
in order not to grieve Cambaceres ^ who protected him. On
arriving at Lyons, I saw M. de Melzi,"* with whom I had been
acquainted a long time, and I unbosomed myself to him, not as to
what the First Consul desired, but as to what should be the de-
mands of the Cisalpine Republic. In a few days, I achieved my pur-
pose. At the moment Bonaparte entered Lyons all was prepared.
From the second day, the principal Milanese pressed him to
accept the presidency for life, and from gratitude, he consented
to substitute for the name of Cisalpine Republic \.h.d.t oi Kingdom
of Italy^ and to name vice-president M. de Melzi, who, having

■^ The Cisalpine Republic, proclaimed in 1791, destroyed in 1799, re-established
after Marengo, had not seen its government reorganized in iSoo. Bor.aparte, in
conjunction with the leading men of the country, gave it a definite organization.
There were three electoral colleges, named for life : that of the great landlords, tha:
of the merchants, that of the men of letters and ecclesiastics — in all, 700 electors. These
elected a Commission de Censure, charged to name to all the bodies of the State,
namely, a Senate of eight members, a Council of Slate, and a Legislative Body, which
had the same privileges as in France. At the head of the reputilic were a president
and a vice-president. In January, 1802, Bjnaparte summoned at Lyons a large
meeting of nearly 500 members to approve the constituti m. The presidency of that
meeting was awarded to him.

" Antoine Chaptal, born in 1756, was already an illustrious savant when he
entered upon a public career. He became Councillor of State and Minister of the
Interior after the iSth Brumaire, then senator and Comte de Chanteloup, in 1804 ;
minister and peer of France during the Hundred Days. Louis XVIII. recalled him
to the Chamber of Peers in 1819. He died in 1S32.

* Jean Jacques- Regis de Cambaceres, born at Montpellier in 1753 of an old family
of magistrates. C(junsellor at the Court of Accounts of Montpellier. I'oput)' from
Herault to the Cunvention, he voted the death of the king, with this restriction, that
the decree was only to be put into execution if France should be invaded by the
enemy. He was president of the ("onvention after tlie 9th Ther.iiilor, then nieinber
and president of the Council of Five Hundred ; Minister of Justice in 1798. He was
elected .Second Consul after the i8th Brumaire. In 1804, Cambaceres became prince
arch-chancellor of the Empire and I )uc de Parma. Fxiled in 1815, he died in 1824.

* Francois Melzi d'Eril (1753-1S16) had been, from its foundation, one of the most
ardent defenders of the Cisalpine Republic. He became afterwards Due de Lodi,
Grand-Chancellor and Keeper of the Seals of the Viceroy F.u.^ene.

'" There is here an error in the text. The kingdom of Italy dates only from 1S05
(the consecration at Milan was on May 26). M. de Talleyrand has evidently meant
to say that in 1802, the official denomination of Ilalian Rc/mblie was substituted for
that of Cisaij'ine Republic.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 219

presented to him the keys of Milan on his first invasion, was
sufficiently compromised towards Austria for Bonaparte to place
in him every confidence.

Until the time of the Peace of Amiens, Bonaparte may have
committed many faults, for what man is free from them ? But
none of the plans he had conceived were such that any true and
patriotic Frenchman could have felt any reluctance to contribute
to their execution. One may not always have agreed as to the
excellence of the means resorted to by Bonaparte, but the utility
of the aim could not be contested, being simply, on the one hand
to bring foreign wars to an end, and, on the other hand, to close
the revolutionary era by re-establishing monarchy, which, in my
candid opinion, it was then impossible to do in favour of the
legitimate heirs of the last king.

The Peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded, when Bonaparte
began to give up moderation ; the provisions of that peace had
not yet been carried out, when he already sowed the seeds of
new wars which, after overwhelming Europe and France, were to
lead him to his ruin.

Piedmont ought to have been given back to the King of
Sardinia immediately after the Peace of Luneville ; it was
merely in trust in the hands of France. To give it up would
have been both an act of strict justice and a very wise policy.
Bonaparte, on the contrary, annexed it to France. I made vain
efforts to dissuade him from such a measure. He believed his
personal interest required him to do so, his pride seemed to him
to claim that arbitrary step, and all the counsels of prudence
failed to alter his mind in that respect.^

Although he had by his victories contributed to the aggran-
dizement of France, none of the territories with which it had
been aggrandized had been conquered by the armies which he
had commanded. It was under the Convention that the county

1 On December 9, 1798, King Charles-Emmanuel, being vanquished and dispos-
sessed had renounced' the throne for himself and heirs, and given his subjects orders
to obey in future the French authorities. Thereupon, Piedmont was subjected to
the direct rule of French generals. In 1800, before Marengo and Hohenhnden,
Bonacarte, in his preliminaries of peace, offered to return Piedmont to the King of
Sardinia. ' His subsequent victories made him more exacting, and on the occasion
of the treaty of Luneville, he refused to bind himself at all in that respect. _ On
April 19, 1801, Piedmont was divided into six departments and became a military
division / on September 4, 1802, it was annexed to France.

220 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Avignon, Savoy, Belgium, the left bank of the Rhine had
been added to France ; and Bonaparte could not claim any of
those conquests as coming from him personally. To rule, and
to rule hereditarily, as he aspired to do over a country aggran-
dized by generals formerl}' his equals, and whom he wished to
become his subjects, seemed to him almost humiliating, and
moreover, might arouse an opposition which he was anxious to
avoid. It was thus that, in order to justify his pretensions to
the title of sovereign, he deemed it necessary to annex to France
countries which he alone had conquered. He had crushed
Piedmont in 1796; and his victories in that quarter seemed to
him to justify the arbitrary views he entertained towards that
country. He accordingly caused the senate to assent to and
proclaim the annexation of Piedmont to France, never think-
ing that any one might call him to account for so monstrous a
violation of what the law of nations consider as most sacred.
His illusion was not destined to last long.

The English government had made peace only out of
necessity ; as soon as the home difficulties which had caused the
making of peace almost unavoidable, were overcome, the English
cabinet who had not yet restored Malta, and wished to keep it,
seized the occasion offered by the annexation of Piedmont to
France, and took up arms again. ^

But events quickened Bonaparte's resolution to transform
the consulate for life into an hereditary monarchy. The English
had landed on the coasts of Brittan}- a few devoted and most
enterprising cviigrcs. Bonaparte took advantage of this new
royalist plot, in which he flattered himself to implicate, at the
same time, Dumouriez,- Pichegru and Moreau, his three rivals in
glory, to wrench from the senate the title of Emperor. But

^ May 16, 1803.

^ Charles-Francois Duperrier-Dumouriez, born at Cambrai in 1739, entered the
army at sixteen. In 1763, he changed the sword for diplomacy, and became one
of the most active secret agents of the king. Under Louis XVI., he was appointed
Governor of Cherbourg, and brigadier-general. In 1792, he joined the Girondist
Cabinet as Minister of Foreign Affairs (March 15), and three months later, was
appointed general-in-chief of the army of the north. \nctoriiJUS at Valmy and at
Jemmapes, but defeated at Nerwinden, and on the point of being tried, he entered
into negotiations with Prince von Coburg, delivered into the hands of the Austrians
the Commissioners sent by the Convention to arrest him, and himself went over to
the enemy. He lived abroad until his death (1823), often engaged in royalist
intrigues and plots.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 221

that title, which, with moderation and wisdom, he would just as
well have obtained, though perhaps not quite so soon, became
the meed of violence and crime. He ascended the throne, but a
throne besmeared with innocent blood — blood which former and
glorious recollections made dear to France.

The violent and unexplained death of Pichegru, the means
used to obtain the conviction of Moreau, might be put to the
account of policy ; but the assassination of the Due d'Enghien,^
committed solely in order, by placing himself in their ranks, to
make sure of those whom the death of Louis XVI. caused to
fear all manner of power not coming from them, this assassina-
tion, I say, could be neither excused nor forgiven, nor has it ever
been so ; Bonaparte has therefore been reduced to boast of it."

The new war in which Bonaparte found himself engaged with
England necessitating the employment of all his resources, it
only needed the most common prudence to abstain from under-
taking anything that might induce the powers on the Continent
to make common cause with his enemy. But vanity still
prevailed in him. It was not sufficient for him to have himself
proclaimed under the name of Napoleon, Emperor of the French ;
it was not sufficient for him to have been consecrated by the
Sovereign Pontiff; he wished besides to be King of Italy, in
order to be emperor and king as well as the head of the House
of Austria. Consequently he had himself crowned at Milan, and
instead of taking simply the title of King of Lombardy, he
chose the more ambitious, and, therefore, more alarming title
of King of Italy, as if his design were to submit Italy entirely
to his sceptre ; and that there might be less doubt as to his
intentions, Genoa and Lucca,^ where his agents had skilfully
aroused fear, sent him deputations by the agency of whom the
one o-ave herself to him, the other asked as a sovereign a member
of his family ; and both under different names, since then, form

^ March 21, 1804.

- Prince Talleyrand has devoted to the affair of the Due d'Enghien a special
chapter, which will be published in one of the subsequent volumes of these
Afemoirs.

^ After the conventions of October 10, 1796, and June 6, 1797, the Republic of
Genoa, transformed into Ligurian Republic, was the ally of France. It was on
June 3, 1805, that the senate and the doge solicited the annexing of their city to
France, which was immediately enforced. As to Lucca, it was assigned to Elisa
Bonaparte, Princess of Piombino (June 24, 1S05).

222 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

a part of that which for the first time began to be called the
great empire.

The consequences of that conduct were such as could be
naturally foreseen. Austria took up arms, and a continental war
became imminent. Then Napoleon tried negotiations on all
sides. He attempted to draw Prussia into his alliance/ by offering
her Hanover, and when on the point of succeeding, he caused
everything to fail by sending to Berlin General Duroc,- who by
his awkward bluntness, destroyed the good effect of the advances
previously made according to my instructions by M. de la Forest,^
who was there as Minister of France.

The emperor was more fortunate with the Electors of Bavaria,
Wiirtemberg and Baden, whom he maintained this time in
his alliance.

The camp of Boulogne, which he formed at this period for
the purpose of menacing the coasts of England, had for first
result to make the war popular in that country, and of creating
there an as yet unheard-of thing, a numerous permanent army.
And it was while Napoleon seemed absorbed by the organization
of that camp, that the Austrians crossed the Inn, traversed
Bavaria, occupied the centre of Suabia, and were already arriving
on the banks of the Rhine. It was nevertheless this precipita-
tion of the Austrians which preserved Napoleon from the more
than critical position in which he would have been placed, if
they had awaited the arrival of the Emperor Alexander and
his hundred thousand Russians, who were on the march to
join themselves to them, for Prussia would have been infallibly
drawn into the coalition, but the Austrians wished to show that,
alone, they were able to engage the struggle and win the day.

Napoleon, with the military genius and the celerity which
make his glory, at once availed himself of this blunder. In a

1 From 1S03 to 1805, Napoleon on the one side, and Austria and Russia on the
other, disputed for the alliance of Prussia. King Frederick William dared not take
any decision. However, in 1805, he signed with France a simple compact of
neutrality.

^ Duroc was from 1796 the favourite aide-de-camp of Napoleon. Born in 1772,
he became under the Emp're general of division, C^rand-Marshal of the Palace, and
Due de Frioul. He was killed at Wurtschcn, May 22, 1813.

* Antoine, Comte de la Forest (1756-1847), minister at Munich, 1801 ; at the
Diet at Katisbon, 1S02 ; at Berlin, 1803 ; ambassador at Madrid in 1807. Minister
and peer of France under the Restoration.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTOR V, THE CONSULA TE. 223

few weeks, one might say in a few days, he transported the
large army of the camp of Boulogne to the banks of the Rhine,
whence he led it to new victories.

I received instructions to accompany him to Strasburg, there
to be ready to follow his headquarters according to circum-
stances (September, 1805). A fit which happened to the
emperor at the beginning of this campaign frightened me very
much. The very day of his departure from Strasburg, I had
dinner with him ; on leaving the table, he went to see the
Empress Josephine. He had only been with her a few minutes,
when suddenly he came out of her apartment ; I was in the
drawing-room, he took me by the arm and led me into his room.
M. de Remusat,^ the first chamberlain, who came for instructions,
entered at the same time. We were hardly there, when the
emperor fell on the floor ; he had barely time to tell me
to close the door. I tore away his cravat, because it seemed
to choke him ; he did not vomit, he groaned and foamed at the
mouth. M. de Remusat gave him some water, and I bathed
him with Cologne water. He had a kind of convulsions that
ceased after a quarter of an hour ; we placed him on an arm-chair ;
he commenced to speak, dressed himself again, and enjoined
secrecy on us ; half an hour later, he was on his way to Carlsruhe.
On reaching Stuttgart, he wrote me to give me news of his health ;
his letter ended with these words, " I am well. The Duke of
Wurtemberg came to meet me as far as outside the first gate of
his palace ; he is a man of sense." A second letter from Stutt-
gart, bearing the same date, ran as follows : " I am acquainted
with Mack's movements ; these are all I could desire. He
will be caught in Ulm, like a fool ! '' "

Some people have since endeavoured to spread the rumour

1 Auguste, Comte de Remusat, bom in 1762, was in 1789, an advocate to the
Cour des Coviptes at Aix. He btayed in France during the whole of the Revolution.
In 1802, he became prefect of the palace ; chief chamberlain in 1S04, and superin-
tendent of theatres. In 181 5, he was appointed prefect of the Nord, and subse-
quently of the Haute-Garonne department. He was dismissed in 1S21, and died
in 1823.

- Charles, Baron von Mack von Lieberich, born in 1752. He was several times
in command of Austrian armies, but was al'.\ays beaten. He signed the capitulation
of Ulm on October 19. Having been, shortly after, tried by court-martial, he was
sentenced to death, but the Emperor Francis commuted the sentence into an imprison-
ment which only lasted a few years. He died in oblivion in 1828.

224 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

that Mack had been bribed ; this is false ; it was only their pre-
sumption that caused the defeat of the Austrians. It is known
how their army, partially beaten on several points and driven
back into Ulm, was obliged to capitulate ; it remained there
prisoner of war, after having passed under the yoke.

In announcing to me his victory, Napoleon wrote me what
were, in his idea, the conditions he wished to impose upon
Austria, and what territories he wished to take from her.
I replied to him that his real interest was not to enfeeble
Austria, that in taking from her on one side, he must return
to her on the other, in order to make of her an ally. The
memorandum in which 1 set forth my reasons, struck him so that
he placed the matter for deliberation before the council he held
at Munich whither I had gone to meet him, and induced him
to follow the plan I had proposed to him, and which can still
be found in the archives of the government.^ But new advan-
tages brought about by one of the divisions of his advance
guard, firing his imagination, made him desire to march upon
Vienna, to hasten to new successes, and to date decrees from
the Imperial Palace of Schoenbrunn.

Master in less than three weeks of all Upper Austria and
of all that part of the Lower which is at the south of the Danube,
he crosses this river and enters in Moravia. If then sixty
thousand Prussians had invaded Bohemia, and sixty thousand
others come by F"ranconia had occupied the road to Lintz, it
is doubtful if he could have succeeded in escaping with his
person. If the Austro-Russian arm}- that he had in front of him,
and which was about one hundred and tvventy thousand men
strong, had only avoided all general action and given to the
Archduke Charles time to arrive with the se\-enty-fivc thousand

' This memorandum has recently been published in the Lcttres itu'iiiUs dc Talley-
rand a NafoL'on, par Ficrre Bertrand {V:ix\s, 1SS9, i vol. Svo. pp. 156). Foreseeint;
that the design of the emperor was already to crush Austria in order to make sooner
or later his junction with Russia, Talleyrand seeks to turn him aside from his purpose,
and warmly recommends the Austrian alliance. He wishes to make Austria theT)ulwark
of Europe ai^ainst Russia, and for this end to put her in contact with this empire by
ceding to her Moldavia, Walachia, Eessarabia, and a part of Bulgaria. In exchange,
ihey could then take away all her possessions in Italy and Suabia. This system
would have besides another advantage ; it would remove all contact between the
empire of Napoleon and that of the Hapsburgs, and suppress thereby all pretext for
war. Hence the Franco- Austrian alliance being made solid and durable, would be
the safeguard of all western Eurofie.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 225

men who were under his orders, instead of dictating" laws.
Napoleon would have been under the necessity of submitting
to them. But, far from coming with her army, Prussia sent a
negotiator, who, out of folly or crime, did nothing of what
he was charged to do, and dug the precipice where his country
itself was shortly to be engulfed.^

The Emperor Alexander, who was wearily waiting at Olmiitz,
and who had not yet seen any battle, desired to have the
amusement of it ; and, in spite of the representations of the
Austrians, in spite of the advice the King of Prussia had sent
him to abstain, he fought the battle known under the name
of Battle of Austerlitz, and lost it completely, deeming himself
fortunate to be permitted to withdraw by daily stages, as the
armistice, subsequently signed, imposed on him the humjiliating
obligation of doing.

Never has a military feat been more glorious. I still see
Napoleon re-entering Austerlitz on the evening of the battle.
He lodged at a house belonging to Prijice vo7i KaiDiiiz ; and
there, in his chamber, yes, /;/ the very chamber of Prince von
Kaimitz, were brought at every moment Austrian flags, Russian
flags, messages from the archdukes, and from the Emperor of
Austria, and prisoners bearing the names of all the great houses
of the Austrian monarchy.

As all these trophies came in, I remember that a messenger
entered the yard bringing letters from Paris, together with the
mysterious portfolio in which M. de La \'alette ^ inclosed the
secret or private letters which were of any importance, and the
reports of all the French police. In war, the arrival of letters is a
most pleasant event. Napoleon, by having the letters imme-
diately distributed, relaxed and recompensed his army.

1 The King of Prussia had ended by yielding to the entreaties of the Emperor of
Russia, and had signed with him a convention (November 3, 1S05), according to which
he bound himself to propose his armed mediation, and if it were not accepted by
Napoleon on December 15, to declare war against him. Count von Haugwitz, who
was entrusted with the negotiation, was only received by Napoleon on December 13,
at Schoenbrunn, and there, frightened bythe menacesof the emperor, instead of acting
according to his instructions, he allowed to be imposed upon him a treaty of alliance,
of which Hanover was the price (December 15).

- Marie Chamans, Comte de la Valette (1769-1830), was then director-general of
the post-offices of France. He had, at first, entered the army, and had become a captain
and confidential aide-de-camp of Napoleon. Sentenced to death in 181 5, he was

VOL. T. Q

226 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

I must not omit to mention here a peculiar incident which
fully depicts the character of Napoleon and his opinions. The
emperor, who at this time had great confidence in me, asked
me to read to him his correspondence. We began with the
deciphered letters of the foreign ambassadors in Paris ; they
interested him but little, because all the great news of the world
took place about him. We then went on to the police reports ;
several spoke of the difficulties of the Bank of France, brought
on by some bad measures of the Minister of Finances, M. de
Marbois.^ However, the report to which he paid most attention
was that of Madame deGenlis ; it was long and written entirely
in her own hand. She spoke of the spirit of Paris, and quoted
a few offensive conversations held, she said, in those houses
which were then called the Faubourg Saint-Germain ; she
named five or six families, which, never, she added, would rally
to the government of the emperor. Some rather biting ex-
pressions which Madame de Genlis reported set Napoleon in
an inconceivable state of fury ; he swore and stormed against the
Faubourg Saint-Germain. " Ah ! they think themselves stronger
than I," said he. " Gentlemen of the Faubourg Saint-Germain,
we shall see, we shall see." And that •zf t- shall see ! came when ^.
.... But a few hours after a decisive victory obtained over the
Russians and the Austrians. So much strength and power did
he recognize in public opinion, and especially in that of a few
nobles, whose only action was limited to keeping aloof from
him. So, on returning to Paris later on, he regarded as a great
achievement the fact that Mesdames de Montmorenc}%" de

saved, thanks to the devotion of his wife, Mademoiselle Einilie de Beauharnais, niece
of the Empress Josephine.

■^ FrancTiis, Comtc, afterwards Marquis, de liarbe-Marbois (1745-1S37), former
deputy to the Con^ci! des Ancicns, Director, Minister of the Public Treasury in 1S02;
he was later (from iSoS to 1S37) first president of the Cour dcs Cotnptcs. In con-
nection with a financial crisis for which he was held responsible, he was dismissed
from the cabinet in 1S06. He had consented that certain Slate-contractors, forming
a company known under the name of yW.yivw;?/^ it'unis, should be paid in such a way
as to exclude almost entirely the control of the Treasury. That company had betrayed
the confidence of the minister, and compromised the finances of the State in risky
speculations, ihe result of which was that in October, 1805, the Bank of France only
possessed /'6o,ooo in cash, whereas the amount of piayments it had to make was
^3,tiSo,ooo. The panic that ensued much disturbed the market for several month-.
On his retuin to Paris, the tmperor ai'poin'ed M. Mollien to M. de Barbe-Marbois'
post. (See Thiers's Z.f CoiiskLU et l' Empire [vol. vi. p. 30 and fob, 1S7 and fob,
375], and M. Molli^'n'^ Mcnoirs).

- Valentine de Harchies, married to Anne, Comte de Montmorency (17S7-185S).

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 227

Mortemart,^ and de Chevreuse,^ accepted the post of ladies in
waiting to the empress, thus ennobling Madame de Bassano^
who had been appointed with them.

At the end of twenty-four hours, I left Austerlitz. I had
spent two hours on this terrible battle-field ; Marshal Lannes
had taken me there, and I owe it to his honour, and per-
haps to military honour in general, to say that this same man
who, on the evening before, had performed such prodigious
feats of valour, who had displayed unprecedented courage as
long as he had enemies to fight, was about to faint when his
eyes gazed on the dead and maimed soldiers of all nations ; he
was so moved that, when showing me the different points where
the principal attacks had been made, he said to me: " I cannot
stay longer, unless you wish to come with me to knock down
these villanous Jews who are robbing the dead and the dying."

The negotiations, of which, before this great battle, there had
only been a pretence, then became serious. They commenced
at Brunn in Moravia, and ended at Presburg,' where General
Giulay^' and the loyal Prince Johan von Lichtenstein " had
repaired with me.

While I was in the first of these cities, the Emperor Napo-
leon dictated to Duroc, and Count von Haugwitz, Minister of
Prussia, signed, a treaty (Dec. 15, 1805), in which were men-
tioned the cessions exacted from Austria, and by which Prussia

1 Eleonore de Montmorency, born in 1777, married to Victor de Rochechouarl,
Marquis de Mortemart. She was lady in waiting to ihe empress in 1806.

- Fran^oise de Narbonne-Pelet, married in 1S02 to Charles-Andre d'Albert, Due
de Luynes and de Chevreuse. She was lady of the household of the empress in
1807, and died in 1S13.

•* Madame Marel, the wife of the emperor's minister.

^ December 26, 1805. Austria lost all her Italian possessions, which were united
with the new kia^'doiii of Italy. The Tyrol and Vorarlbcrg, the principality of
Eichstedt, the city nf Augsbourg, and several other manors were assigned to Bavaria.
The Count de Hohenberg, the Landgrave of Nellenburg, a part of Bris,L;au. and
seven other imporsant cities were given t> Wurtemberg. The Elector of Baden
rei:eived Ortenau, the rest of Bris!.;au, and Constance. Finally, the title uf King was
acknowledged for the Electors of Bavaria and of Wiirtemberg, and that of Grand
Duke for the Elector of Baden.

' Count Ignatius Giulay (1763-1831) became general in iSoo. He took part in all
the wars of his lime, became field-marshal in 1813, chief commander of Bohemia in
1S23, and president of the Aulic Council, 1S30.

" Johan von Lichten-.tein, Prince Sovereign of Germany, born in Vienna in 1766 ;
general in the Austrian army in 1794. In 1814, he retired to his principality, over
which he reigned until his death, (Principality of Lichtenstein, between the Tyrol
and Switzerland ; S.OOO inhabitants ; chief tnvvn, V:vluz).

Q 2

228 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

herself ceded Anspach and Neufchatel, in exchange for Hanover
which she received. Napoleon had successes of all kinds ; and he
abused them beyond measure, above all by dating from Vienna,
a short time after, the insolent decree in which he declared that
Ferdinand IV., King of the Two Sicilies, had ceased to reign, and
gave to Joseph Bonaparte, his eldest brother, the kingdom of
Naples, which he conquered easily, and that of Sicil}', over
which his imagination only has ever reigned.

The system that Napoleon then adopted, the secret of which
I have mentioned, was the first act that must be reckoned among
the causes of his fall. I will make known later, with special
reference to each of the new kings he made, all that there was
impolitic and destructive in this method of overthrowing govern-
ments in order to create others which he was not slow to pull
down again, and that in all parts of Europe.

Austria, in the state of distress to which she now was reduced,
could not do otherwise than accept the conditions imposed by
her victor. Those conditions were harsh indeed, and the treaty
made with Count von Haugwitz made it impossible for me to
mitigate them in any other clauses than those relative to the
indemnity to be paid to France. I, at least, managed that the
conditions imposed on Austria should not be rendered worse by
any fallacious interpretation. Being master of the wording, on
which Napoleon's influence was minimised by the distance I was
from him, I applied myself to make it free from any ambiguity ;
so that, although he had obtained ever}'thing that it was possible
for him to obtain, the treaty did not please him. He wrote to
me some time after : " You have made me, at Presburg, a treaty
that annoys me ■d. great deal ;" which did not, however, \ revent
him giving me, a short time after, a marked proof of satisfaction
by creating me Prince of Benevento, the territory of which was
occupied b}' his troops. I say with pleasure that, thereby, this
duchy, which remained my property until the Restoration, was
saved all sorts of vexations, and even conscription.

Count von Haugwitz surely deserved to pay with his head for
the treaty he had dared to make without authority and against
what he knew perfectly well to be the wish of his sovereign ;
but to punish him would have been to attack Napoleon himself.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 229

The King of Prussia dared not disclaim it ; he had even the
weakness to resist the noble solicitations of the queen ; and yet,
ashamed to give his approbation to such an act, he at first only-
ratified the treaty conditionally. But, for the conditional rati-
fication which Napoleon rejected, he was obliged, under pain of
having him for an enemy, to substitute one pure and simple,
which constituted Prussia at war with England.^

Napoleon, since he was emperor, wished for no more
republics, above all in his vicinity. Consequently he changed
the government of Holland, and eventually demanded that one
of his brothers should be king of that country.- He did not
suspect then that his brother Louis, whom he had chosen, was
too honest a man to accept the title of King of Holland, without
becoming a thorough Hollander.

The dissolution of the German Empire was already im-
plicitly operated by the treaty of Presburg, since it had recog-
nized as kings the Electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, and the
Elector of Baden as Grand-Duke. This dissolution was con-
summated by the act which instituted the Confederation of the
Rhine,^ an act which cost the existence of a host of small states
preserved by the rescript of 1803. and that I tried once more to
save. But I succeeded only for a small number of them, the
principal confederates not wishing to accept this act unless they
obtained territorial compensations.

Murat, one of Napoleon's brothers-in-law, to whom the
countries of Cleves and Berg had been given in sovereignty, was
included in that confederation, with the title of Grand-Duke ;
he exchanged it later for that of King, which it would have
been much better for him never to have obtained.

1 Definitive treaty of alliance of February 15, 1S06, ratified by the King of Prussia,
March 9.

- Louis Bonaparte was proclaimed King of Holland, June 5, 1S06.

3 The old German Empire existed no longer, except in name, in 1S06. N.apoleon
gave it the last blow, July 12, 1S06, by the compact he signed with thirteen German
princes, the principal of whom were Enron von Dalberg, Archbishop of Mayence,
Prince Primate of Germany, the Kings of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, the Grand Duke
of Baden, the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, &c. By the terms of this compact, the
contracting princes separated themselves from the Empire, and constituted a ConfcJera-
iion of tlu Rhine, acknowledging as Protector the Emperor Napoleon, and signed with
him a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive. The Emperor Francis could but
recognize the accomplished facts. On August 6 following, he declared the German
Empire dissolved, abdicated the title of Emperor of Germany, and took that of
Emperor of Austria.

230 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

While the King of Prussia was embroiHng himself with
England by occupying Hanover, the latter was thinking of
treating with France. Rlr. Pitt being dead,i Mr. Fox, who was
not destined to survive him long, had become, by dint of talent
and in spite of the repugnance of the king, chief Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs in the cabinet of which Lord
Grenville^ was the nominal head. No one detested more than
Mr. Fox the oppression of the government of Napoleon ; but
whether not to put his conduct in contradiction with the
language he had used during some years as chief of the oppo-
sition, or from a real desire for peace, he believed he ought to
make pacific demonstrations. He wrote to me ^ to inform me
of an intended attempt on the life of the emperor {or oi \.\\& leader
of the French, as he named him in the letter), which had been
revealed to him by one of the wretched authors of the plot.

I eagerly seized this occasion, and in thanking him in the
name of the emperor, I expressed dispositions which were soon
followed by overtures made by the channel of Lord Yarmouth.
After two or three conferences, Mr. Fox, to be agreeable to Lord
Grenville, adjoined Lord Lauderdale* with Lord Yarmouth.

On his side, the Emperor Alexander sent to Paris M.
d'Oubri to arrange a reconciliation. I induced him to make a
treaty, which he negotiated with Mr. Clarke.^ The Emperor of
Russia, who did not wish to go so far, refused to ratify it, and
disgraced him who had signed it.

As to the negotiation which had been well begun by Lord
Yarmouth, and spoiled by Lord Lauderdale, it ended in aven-
ging England on Prussia much more than England herself would
have wished.

1 January 23, 1 806.

' William Wyndham, Lord Grenville ( 1 759-1834), Secretary of State for Home
Affairs, and afterwards for Foreign Affairs (1791). He retired in iSoi.

' P'ebiuary' 20, 1S06.

* James Maitland, Earl of Lauderdale, born in 1759, peer of Scotland in 1789.
He came to France at thi^ period, and associated himself with the leading Girondists.
Always a friend of France, he combated the policy of Pitt, became, in 1S06, Pri\'y
Councillor, Keeper of the Scotch Seal, ambassador extraordinary at Paris. In 1S16,
he protested loudly against the detention of Napoleon. He died in retirement in

1839.

° Octiiber 14, i8o6. General Comte Clarke (1765-181S), became in the following
year (1807), Secretary of War, and was created Due de Feltre. He was appointed
Marshal of France under the Restoration.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 231

Peace between England and France was morally impossible
without the restitution of Hanover ; and Napoleon having
disposed o'i that country for equivalents, which he had also
disposed of, the restitution was likewise morally impossible.
But the emperor, who held as real only the difficulties which
could not be overcome by sheer force, did not hesitate to admit
this restitution as one of the bases of the agreement to be made.
He said to himself : " Prussia, who has received Hanover through
fear, will return it through fear ; and, as for the equivalents which
she has given, I shall compensate them by promises which will
meet the pride of the cabinet, and with which the country shall
be obliged to be satisfied."

Prussia could not long be ignorant of this treacherous pro-
ceeding ; the English were interested in making Prussia know it,
and, in addition, Prussia was soon to be the victim of another
perfidy.

In the conversations which Count von Haugwitz had had at
Vienna as well as at Paris, with the Emperor Napoleon, the
latter had spoken to him of his project of dissolving the
German Empire, and of substituting for it two confederations,
one of the south, the other of the north. He did not wish, he
said, to have any influence except over the first ; Prussia would be
at the head of the second. The Prussian cabinet allowed itself to
be allured by this project, but when they wished to proceed with
the demarcation of the two confederations, Napoleon declared
that Prussia could not include in her part either the Hanseatic
cities or Saxony, that is to say, the only countries which were
not already under the influence and protection of Prussia. The
latter, seeing herself cheated, took counsel only of the
irritation which reigned in all classes of the nation, and rushed
to arms.

It was not without secret uneasiness that the emperor went,
for the first time, to measure his strength with hers. The
ancient glory of the Prussian army imposed upon him ; but after
an action of only four hours, the phantom vanished, and the
battle of Jena^ put the Prussian monarchy completely at the
mercy of a conqueror, all the more pitiless that the wrongs

1 October 14, 1806.

2Z2 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

were on his side, and that, besides, he had had some fear, and
that they knew it.

Napoleon was already at Berlin, when he received an im-
prudent proclamation from the Prince of the Peace, which seemed
to announce the approaching defection of Spain. ^ He then made
up his mind to destroy at any price, the Spanish branch of the
House of Bourbon ; and I, I took inwardly the oath to cease, at
whatever price, to be his minister, as soon as we should have
returned to France. He confirmed me in this resolution by the
barbarity with which, at Tilsit, he treated Prussia, although he
made me the instrument of it. This time he did not apply to me
to treat for contributions of war and for the evacuation of the
territories by his troops. He charged Marshal Berthier- with this
duty. He thought that, at Presburg, I had acted in a manner too
much opposed to what he believed to be his real interests ; but
I am anticipating events.

We remained but a few days at Berlin. Herr von Zastrow,
confidential aide-de-camp of the king, and Herr von Lucchcsini
had had permission to repair to that place. Herr von Lucchesini
passed in Prussia for being very capable and above all very subtle.
His subtilty has often recalled to me the mot of Dufresne, " Too
tmLcJi sense, tliat is to say not enough." These two plenipotentiaries
came to negotiate an armistice which perhaps they might have
obtained if they had not been informed too late of the capitula-
tion of Magdeburg. The Russian army, it is true, was still
intact, but it was too small, and besides the Prussians were
completely discouraged, all their strong places had opened their
gates, and finally Polish deputations hastened from all sides to

^ In iSo6, the .Spanish governinent had for a moment the thought of brcakini:; off
with France. The unsuccess of her struggle with England, the uneasiness caused her
by the dispossession of King Ferdinand, all contributed to force her that way. The
Prince if the Peace, who then directed the politics of (he cabinet, seized the moment
when Nafioleon was engaged with Prussia, and issued, not in the name of the king,
but in his personal name, a rather ambiguous proclamation, in which, without
designating any one, lie excited the Spanish people to prepare for war. .After the
victory of Jena, the Prince of the Peace, frightened, caiiilulated immediately, and spread
abroad the report that the only enemy of Spnin was Fngland, but no one was deceived
by I his change of tactics — Napoleon least of all.

- Marshal Ale.xnndre Berthier, born in 1753, was major-general of the Grand Army,
and grand master of the hunt. In 1S07, he became vice-consialile, Prince de Ncuf-
chaiel and Prince de Wagram. In 1S14, he supported Louis XVlIf., who named him
peer of France and captain of the guards. During the Hundred Days, he retired to
Bamberg (Bavaiia), where he died June i, under very mysterious circumstances.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 233

meet Napoleon. It did not need all this to decide him to leave
Berlin, and to march on rapidly by way of Posen to Warsaw.

What a singular sight it was to see Napoleon go out of the
cabinet of the great Frederick, where he had just written a
bulletin for his army, pass into the dining-room where Mollen-
dorff,^ who was a prisoner, and Muller,^ who was the historio-
grapher of the Prussian monarchy dined with him ; to offer to
one and the other appointments which they accepted, then enter
his carriage and depart for Posen !

He had sent on before him General Dombrowski^ and
Count Wybicki, who had both served under his orders in the
campaigns of Italy. It was from Posen that they dated a kind
of appeal to all Poland, announcing its re-establishment. This
document which had been committed to them at Berlin, disclosed
and at the same time concealed sufficiently the authorization of
Napoleon, to enable him to own or disown it, according as circum-
stances favoured or arrested his undertaking. At Posen, they
received him with enthusiasm. A deputation arranged by Murat,
who was already at Warsaw, and composed of men of sufficient
position to make it believed that they spoke in the name of the
nation, was on the day after the arrival of Napoleon, at the
gate of the palace he occupied.

This deputation was numerous ; the names which have
remained in my memory are those of Alexander Potocki,
Malachowski, Gutakowski, Dzialinski. In the speech they
addressed to the emperor, they offered him all the forces of the
country. Napoleon seized upon this offer, and e.vplaining him-
self little as to the rest of their demands, replied to them :
" When you shall have an army of forty thousand men, you
will be worthy of being a nation ; and then you will have a

■• Field-Marshal Count von McUendorff, former lieutenant of Frederick II., and
one of the best generals of the Prussian army. He had been grievously wounded at
Auerstadt (1725-1816).

- [ohan von Muller, German historian, born at Schaffhausen in 1752, was Aulic
councillor at Mayence, then at Vienna. He came to Berlin in 1795, and Frederic II.
named him private counsellor and historiographer of his house. Napoleon saw him
in 1806, attached him to himself, and employed him as minister of state of the new
kin5:dom of Westphalia. He died in 1S09.

3 Jean Domhrowski, Polish general, one of the heroes of the insurrection of 1794.
In 1795, he h.ad offered his services to the Directory, which had authorized him to
raise a Polish legion for the service of France. He commanded it up to 1 8 14.

234 '^^E MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

right to all my protection." The deputation returned promptly
to Warsaw, full of hope.

It was at Posen that the emperor treated with the Elector
of Saxony, until then an ally of Prussia. The elector joined
the Confederation of the Rhine and took the title of king.^ On
this occasion, Napoleon received the list of pictures that M.
Denon^ induced him to take from the gallery of Dresden. He
was reading it when I entered his study, and he showed it to me.
"If your Majest}'," said I to him, "carries away any of the
pictures of Dresden, you will do more than the King of Saxony
allowed himself to do, for he does not believe he has the power
to put any of them in his palace. He respects the gallery as
national property."

"Yes," said Napoleon, " he is a very good man ; we must
not cause him any grief, I am going to give orders not to
touch anything. We will see later."

The emperor, being certain of having a new army corps of
at least forty thousand Poles, left a few days after for Warsaw.

Murat alone was informed of the exact moment of his arrival
in that city, which he entered in the middle of the night. At six
o'clock in the morning, the new authorities, all created by the
influence of the French officers who belonged to the arrhy corps
of Murat, received the order to repair to the palace where they
were to be presented to the emperor. He received with marked
distinction the most ardent among the men who came there ;
they belonged to that class of patriots always ready to welcome
any change whatever in the organization of their country. He
showed himself more severe towards the others, and particularly
towards Prince Joseph Poniatowski,-'' whom he blamed very
bitterl)- for not having consented to take his rank in the army
again until positi\'e orders had been given him b}^ Murat in the
name of the emperor. By deserving this reproach made to his
fidelity, Prince Joseph secured a special place in the esteem

1 December 1 1, 1806.

■^ The Daron Denon ( 1 747- 182 S) was Director-General of Museums.

' Prince Joseph Poniatowski, nephew of the last King of Poland, Marshal of
France in 1S13. He was drowned in the Elster, the day after the battle of Leipzig.
In 1S06, he put himself at the head of the Polish army, after having exacted and
obtained that this army should jireserve its nationality and its autonomy, and should
not be incorporated into the French troops.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY., THE CONSULATE. 235

of the emperor, who, at the moment he gave Poland a pro-
visory government, appointed him Minister of War.

The first stay of Napoleon at Warsaw was very short. In
all the conversations he had had with the most influential
persons of the country, he had announced his intention to march
soon upon Grodno, adding that, the obstacles being insignificant,
he would in a short time have destroyed all what he already
called the remains of the Russian army, and driven back, as he
said, these new Europeans into their former frontiers. The quag-
mires of Pultusk^ delayed for some time the execution of his
plans, without however modifying his language. On returning to
Warsaw, he announced that he had just had great successes, but
that he did not wish to avail himself of advantages which the
season rendered very painful to his troops, and that he was
going to take up his winter quarters.

He employed that period of rest which, after all, was not long,
in organizing Poland in such a manner that she became a great
help to him, at the opening of the campaign.

And as he knew that imagination only rules in that peculiar
country, he devoted his whole care during the three weeks which
he spent in Warsaw, to exalting the military spirit of the nation,
to giving fetes, balls, concerts, to showing contempt for the
Russians, to displaying great luxury, and to speaking of John
Sobieski. He also laid his glory publicly at the feet of a beauti-
ful Polish lady, Madame Anastase Walewska, who followed him
to Ostcrode and to Finkenstein, whither he betook himself, in
order to visit all his troops.

I was to remain at Warsaw, where there was a kind of diplo-
matic corps ; I was surrounded by German ministers, whose
masters, in these destructive times, had the face to think of ob-
taining enlargements of territory. Austria, from different
motives, had sent there Baron de Vincent.^ His instructions

' Pultusk, a city of Russian Poland on the Narew (4,800 inhabitants). Victory of
Lannes over Benningsen in 1807.

2 Baron Ch. de Vincent, born in Lorraine, entered the service of the Empire ; he
was employed in the negotiations with Piche^ru ; was one of the signatories of the
treaty of Campo-Formio, becauie, in 1814, governor of the Low Countries in the
name of the allies, and was afterwards sent as ambassador to Paris. The provinces
whose interests were entrusted to his care in 1807, were the Palatinates of Cracow,
Sandomir, and Lublin, whose frontier follows the course of the river Boug.

236 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

were confined to seeing that order was not disturbed in the
former PoHsh possessions which had fallen to the share of the
Emperor of Austria since the last partition of Poland, and which
were close to the seat of war. I entered into his views, and
helped him by all the means in my power to fill his mission
satisfactorily.

Napoleon had appointed as Governor of Poland a man so
utterly incapable that he instructed me, during his absence, to
watch over details which were naturally among the duties of the
Governor. Thus, I clothed the troops, sent them off, bought the
provisions, visited the hospitals, witnessed the dressing of wounds,
distributed gratuities, and had even to go so far as to indicate to
the Governor what he ought to put in the orders of the day.
This kind of occupation, being entirely foreign to my usual
pursuits, would have been very laborious, had I not found in the
house of Prince Poniatowski, and in that of the Countess Vincent
Tyszkiewicz, his sister, all sorts of help and assistance. The
marks of interest at first, of affection afterwards, which I received
in that excellent and noble family, are indelibly engraved on my
grateful heart. I was grieved at leaving Warsaw. But the battle
of Eylau had just been fought with a certain amount of success,^
and Napoleon, being anxious to enter on negotiations, had in-
structed me to join him. However, all the attempts made in
that direction failed ; it was still necessary for him to fight, and,
after a few days, he understood it. The taking of Danzig,- had
raised again what is called the spirit of the army, a little de-
pressed by the difficulties it had experienced at Pultusk, b)'
the battle of Eylau, by the climate, and, for Frenchmen, by
too prolonged an absence from their country. The emperor, with
all the troops he had collected, marched on Heilsbcrg, where he
won a first victory ' ; pursuing the Russians, he beat them again
at Gutstadt and finalh' at F"riedland.-*

The terror that this last defeat spread among the Russians
induced them to desire the quick termination of that great
struggle. An interview, to take place in the middle of the
Niemen, was proposed by Alexander ; it was so romantically
conceived and might be so magnificently arranged, that Napoleon,

> February 8, 1807, ' May 26. ' June 11. ^ June 14.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 237

who saw in it a brilliant episode for the romance of his life,
accepted it. The bases of the peace were laid out there. We all
repaired immediately after, to Tilsit, where my instructions were,
not to negotiate with the Prussian plenipotentiaries, General
Kalkreuthi and Count von Goltz,^ but to sign with them the treaty
which contained the territorial cessions of Prussia, as they had been
agreed upon between the Emperor Napoleon and the Emperor
Alexander.^ The latter did not confine himself to making peace,
but he became, by a treaty that I negotiated and signed with Prince
Kourakin,^ the ally of Napoleon, and, by that very reason, the
enemy of his own former allies.^

The Emperor Alexander, satisfied with losing nothing, and
with gaining even something (which, historians, however impartial
they may be, will not like to admit), and with having thus screened
the interests of his pride in regard to his subjects, thought he
had fulfilled all the duties of friendship towards the King of
Prussia, by helping him to retain nominally half of his king-
dom ; after which he left, without even taking the precaution of
ascertaining whether the half which the king was to keep should
be promptly restored to him, whether that half should be entirely
restored, and whether His Prussian Majesty might not be obliged
to buy it again at the cost of fresh sacrifices. This was to be

^ Frederick-Adolphus, Count von Kalkreuth (1737-iSlS). He enlisted in 1752,
became field-marshal in 1807, and Governor of Berlin.

- Augustus Frederick, Count von Goltz (1765-1832), entered in 17S7 the diplo-
matic service of Prussia, was minister at Copenhagen, at Mayence, at Stockholm, at
St. Petersburg. He became, in 1S14, marshal of the court, then deputy of Prussia
to the Diet and councillor of state.

^ July 9, 1S07. This treaty merely reproduced certain articles of the treaty with
Russia, for Napoleon, out of increased contempt for Prussia, wished to appear to have
consented to the existence of that state solely out of connderalion for the Euiperor
Alexander ; thus he had insisted that the stipulations concerning Prussia should
appear to have been debated only between the Emperor of Kussia and himself.
Prussia lost all she possessed between the Elbe and the Rhine, including Magdeburg,
and nearly all her Polish provinces. She was reduced from 9,000,000 of inliabitants
to 4,000,000.

* Field-Marshal Prince Kourakin had been minister and vice-chancellor of Russia.
After (he Peace of Tilsit, he was ambassador at Paris.

^ The treaty with Russia was signed on July 7, 1S07. The Emperor Alexander
recognized the new state of things which had taken place in the west, as weil as all
the kingdoms recently created by Napoleon. Besides, a secret treaty of alliance
was signed on the same day. Russia promised to declare war against England on
December i following. In return, France p:omised her mediation and, if need be,
her alliance against Turkey, and a plan of partition of the Ottoman Empire was
arranged. An expedition to India was likewise mentioned. Already, the winter before.
Napoleon had sent General Gardanne to Persia to prepare the way.

238 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

feared after the brutal question which Napoleon one day asked
the Queen of Prussia : " How did you dare to make war against
me, Madam, with such feeble means at your disposal ? " " Permit
me, Sire, to tell your Majesty that the glory of Frederick II. had
misled us as to the true state of our power." That word glory,
so happily placed, and at Tilsit, in the very study of the Em-
peror Napoleon, seemed to me superbly dignified. I repeated
this fine reply of the queen, often enough for the emperor to say
to me one day ; " I cannot imagine what you think so fine in that
saying of the Queen of Prussia ; you might as well speak of
something else."

I was indignant at all I saw or heard, but was obliged to
conceal my indignation, and I shall ever be thankful that the
Queen of Prussia, who deserved to live in better days, was
graciously pleased to acknowledge it. If in the recollections
of my life, several are necessarily painful, I remember at
least with much sweetness the things which she then had the
goodness to say to me, and those which she almost entrusted to
me. " Prince de Benevent," she said to me the last time 1 had
the honour of seeing her to her carriage, " there are only two
persons who regret my having had to come here, I and yourself.
You are not angry, are you, at my thinking so .'' " The tears
of compassion and pride that filled my eyes were my sole
reply.

The efforts made by this noble woman were without avail
with Napoleon ; he triumphed, and was therefore inflexible. The
promises he had caused to be broken, and those he had obtained,
had intoxicated him. He was pleased also to believe, that he
had made a dupe of the Emperor of Russia ; but time has proved
that the real dupe was himself.

By the treaty of Tilsit, the youngest of his brothers, Jerome
Bonaparte, had been recognized as King of Westphalia. His
kingdom was composed of several of the provinces ceded
by Prussia, of the greater part of the electorate of Hesse,
and of the duchy of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel, conquered but
not ceded. Napoleon desired greatly to add to them also the
principalities of Anhalt, Lippe and W'aldeck. But, taking
advantage of the real embarrassment in which he found him-

THE CONVENTION, THE DJ RECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 239

self after the battle of Pultusk, which, however, he would
not acknowledge, I had had these principalities admitted as well
as those of Reuss and Schwarzburg into the Confederation of
the Rhine, and he did not yet dare to attempt, as he did later,
anything against the princes he had admitted to that body. The
treaty of Tilsit having been signed and ratified, we could, at
last, return to France.

The excitement which I had been subjected to for nearly a
year, made me feel inexpressibly happy and comfortable, while
passing through Dresden, where I spent several days. The noble
and quiet manners of the Court of Saxony, the public and private
virtues of King Frederick Augustus,^ the benevolence and sin-
cerity which appeared everywhere, made me preser\''e a special
remembrance of this stay at Dresden.

Napoleon, on arriving in Paris, created for Marshal Berthier
the post of vice-constable, and for myself that of vice-grand-
elector. These posts were honourable and lucrative sinecures ;
I then left the cabinet as I had intended to do.

During all the time I had charge of the management of
foreign affairs, I served Napoleon with fidelity and zeal. As
to the emperor, he adhered, for a long time, to the views
which I considered it a duty to suggest to him. Those views
were based upon these two considerations : To establish for
France monarchical institutions which should secure the pre-
rogatives of the crown and the authority of the sovereign,
by keeping them within just limits ; to spare Europe in order
that the Powers might pardon France her achievements and
glory. In 1807, Napoleon had already for a long time past, it
must be owned, kept away from the path on which I had done
my best to keep him, but I had been unable, until the occasion
which now presented itself, to give up the nominal direction
of foreign affairs. It was not so easy as one might suppose to
resign a post, the duties of which brought its occupant in daily
contact with him.

' Frederick Augustus I., bom in 1758, Elector of Saxony at the death of his
brother in 1763. Married Amelia, Princess of Zwei-Brlicken. He took the title of
Kin"- in 1806, and remained failhful to Napoleon until 1813. The Congress of
Vienna gave him back a portion of his possessions. He died in 1S27, leaving the
throne to his elder brother, Antoine.

240 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Hardly returned from Tilsit, Napoleon devoted all his atten-
tion to the execution of his designs on Spain. The intrigue of
this undertaking is so involved that I have thought it necessary
to explain it separately.^ I must only say here that the
emperor, clinging to the belief that I approved his projects,
chose precisely my estate of Valencay, to become the prison
of Ferdinand VII., his brother, and their uncle. But neither
these princes nor the public were deceived by this. He
succeeded no more in making people believe that, in this, I was
his accomplice, than he did in the conquest of Spain.

When the Emperor Alexander and he had separated at
Tilsit, they promised to see each other again soon. This was a
promise Napoleon had no desire to keep, at least unless the
state of his affairs made it necessary. But when General
Junot had been driven from Portugal by the English,"' when
General Dupont was forced to capitulate at Baylen,' and when
a general insurrection in Spain, gave prospects of a resistance
which might be of long duration, he began to fear that Austria
might profit by these circumstances, and felt the need of
making more sure of Russia's intentions. He then grew
anxious to see the Emperor Alexander once more, and invited
him to an interview to take place at Erfurt.'* Although
already very cold with me, he wished me to accompany him ;
he was persuaded that I might prove useful to him and that
sufficed him. The numerous and piquant incidents of this
interview form an episode by themselves : I have thought it
advisable to make a separate chapter of them.'' The intention
of Napoleon, however, must find a place here. His purpose was

1 See Tart IV.
General Andoche Junot, Due d'Abrnntes, had been placed at the head of the
army of Portugal. At first successful (1807), he was, on August 21, iSoS, defeated
at Vimciro by the Anglo-Portuguese army, and forced to sign at Cintra a capitulation,
by the teims of which he was to evacuate Portugal.

3 General Pierre Dui>ont de I'Etang (1765-1S39) had been, in iSoS, placed at the
head of the Andalu■^ian army. On July 22, being attacked by superior forces com-
manded by ihe Spanish general, Castanos, he capitulated in the open field near
Ba)'len. 8,000 French soldiers were disarmed and sent to the rocks of Cabrera
(Balearic Island-), where they died for the most part from sickness and misery.
General r.)upont, having returned to France, was tried by a court-martial, and
sentenced to imprisonment for life. He came out of prison in 1S14, and was Minister
of War under the first Pestoration.

•* A city of the kingdom of Saxony (to-day annexed to Prussia) on the Gera.

* See Part V.

THE CONVENTION, THE DIRECTORY, THE CONSULATE. 241

to induce the Emperor Alexander to make a special alliance
with him against Austria. That which he had concluded at
Tilsit, although general, was particularly directed against Eng-
land. If he had succeeded at Erfurt, he would, under some
pretext easily invented, have sought a quarrel with Austria,
and after a few military successes he would have tried to do
with it as he had done with Prussia.

The complete co-operation of Russia would have thoroughly
enabled him to reach his goal. Having a very small opinion of
the genius and self-will of the Emperor Alexander, he hoped to
succeed. His intention was to intimidate the Czar at first, and
then to arouse both his vanity and his ambition; and, indeed, it
was to be feared that on these three points, the Emperor of Russia
might prove only too accessible. But the star of Austria
willed that M. de Caulaincourt,^ who has always been persistently
misjudged, should inspire the Emperor of Austria with confidence,
and not cause the Emperor Alexander to lose that he placed
in me. I had seen him several times in private at Tilsit. I
saw him nearly every day at Erfurt. Our conversations were
at first of a general turn concerning the common interests ex-
isting between the great powers of Europe ; the conditions on
which the ties, which it was important to preserve between them,
were to be broken ; the equilibrium of Europe in general ; the
probable consequences of its destruction ; then, gradually our
conversations turned more particularly to the States whose
existence was necessary for this equilibrium, especially to
Austria. These conversations put the emperor in such a state
of mind that the coaxing, the persuasion, and the threats of
Napoleon were a dead loss ; and that, before quitting Erfurt, the
Emperor Alexander wrote in his own hand to the Emperor of
Austria to reassure him with regard to the fears, which the
Erfurt interview had caused him. It was the last service I was
able to render Europe, as long as Napoleon continued to reign,
and this service, in my opinion, I w^as also rendering to himself
personally.

^ Louis deCaulaincourt, bornin 1773 at Caulaincourt (Aisne), of noble parentage.
Under the Empire he became general of division, grand-equerry and Due de Vicence
(Vicenza). He went to Russia as ambassador in 1S07, was appointed Minister of
Foreign Affairs in 181 3, and died in 1827.

VOL. L R

242 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

After having given many fetes and made a kind of treaty
essentially different from that he had in view on coming to
Erfurt, the emperor returned to Paris, and M. de Champagny,*
thereafter had the sole direction of the department of Foreign
Affairs. As for me, I resumed the insignificant life of a grand
dignitary.

At all hazards, I did what was in my power to obtain the
confidence of the Emperor Alexander, and I succeeded, suffi-
ciently well for him to send to me, as soon as his first trouble broke
out with France, Count de Nesselrode, councillor to the Russian
Embassy in Paris, who, on entering my room, said to me, " I
have just come from St. Petersburg; I hold an official situation
with Prince Kourakin, although it is really to you that I am
accredited. I am keeping up a private correspondence with the
emperor, and now bring you one of his letters."

^ Jean-Bapfiste Nompere de Champagny, Due de Cadore (1756-1S34), former
deputy of the nobility to the States-General, became, in iSoo, councillor of state,
ambassador at Vienna (i8o[), and iMinister of the Interior; in 1S07, he succeeded
Talleyrand as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

END OF THE THIRD PART.

PART IV.

SPANISH AFFAIRS.

1807

Napoleon at Finkenstein — His love of deceit — Situation of France at the
close of the year 1807 — Napoleon's designs on Spain — The pretext
he chose to carry them out — Talleyrand endeavours to dissuade the
emperor from wronging the old ally of France. — Treaty of Fontainebleau
— Napoleon's shameful breach of faith towards Charles IV. of Spain —
Don Juan de Escoiquiz, Canon of Toledo, and the Prince of the Asturias
— The intrigues of Godoy, Prince of the Peace — Don Escoiquiz' plan to
thwart them — The French ambassador and Don Escoiquiz — Napoleon's
ruse — Letter of the Prince of the Asturias to Napoleon — Letter of the
Prince of the Peace to the Emperor — Provisions of the treaty of
Fontainebleau — Projected dismemberment of Portugal — Secret Conven-
tion aimed at Spain, though ostensibly, at Portugal — The French troops
in Spain — Arrest of the Prince of the Asturias — He is put on his trial —
Declared not guilty — Occupation of Navarra, Catalonia and Guipuzcoa
by the French — Fears of the Prince of the Peace — Projected flight of
the royal family — Indignation of the people— General discontent against
Godoy, Prince of the Peace — The Aranjuez riots — Popular hatred
against Godoy — Loyalty of the people towards the royal family — Arrest
of Godoy— He is put on his trial — Abdication of King Charles IV. in
favour of Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias — Arrival of Ferdinand VII. at
Madrid — The Grand Due de Berg (Murat) and King Ferdinand— Change
of the people's disposition towards the French— Negotiations between
Don Escoiquiz and the Grand Due de Berg — Murat insists on the sus-
pension of Godoy's trial — Murat demands the release of the latter, in
Napoleon's name — Ferdinand VII. sends his brother Don Carlos to
meet Napoleon on his way to Spain — Charles IV.'s protest — Retracts
his abdication — Don Antonio appointed Regent — Ferdinand VII. leaves
Madrid, on his way to Bayonne — Free for eight hours — Lasciate ogni
speranza — Arrival at Bayonne — Ferdinand and the Infante Antonio prac-
tically prisoners — Napoleon unmasks his designs — Offers to Ferdinand
the kingdom of Etruria, in exchange for the cession of the rights of the
latter to the Crown of Spain — Refusal of Ferdinand — Noble reply of the
Marquis de Labrador to M. de Champagny — Napoleon and Don

R 2

244 ^-^^ MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Escoiquiz — It is too late ! — Charles IV. at Bayonne — Ferdinand's re-
nunciation of the crown — Murat appointed lieutenant-general of Spain
— The royal princes of Spain at the chateau of Valen^ay — Prince
Talleyrand welcomes them — Inaptitude of the princes for study —
Everyday life at Valengay — Talleyrand summoned to Nantes — Napo-
leon's bluster — Scathing retort of Talleyrand — Rupture between Napo-
leon and Talleyrand — Talleyrand summoned to Erfurt — Takes leave of
the Spanish princes — Their gratitude — By iJie grace of God — The
Emperor of Russia recognizes Joseph Bonaparte as King of Spain —
Treaty of Valen9ay — Failure of Napoleon's designs on Spain — The
result of Napoleon's threats against England — Want of dignity of
Ferdinand VII. — His return to Madrid — His cruel proceedings towards
his faithful supporters — England's fault in Spain.

NArOLEON was at Finkenstein,^ and said one day, in a
cheerful moment, " I know, when necessary, how to throw off
the skin of the Hon, and put on that of the fox."

He was fond of deceiving, and would do so for the mere love
of it ; apart from his policy, his instinct would have made it a
necessity for him. For the carrying out of the projects which he
was always meditating, artifice was no less necessary than force.
It was especially in the accomplishment of his views on Spain
that he felt that force alone could not be sufficient.

Napoleon, seated on one of the thrones of the House of
Bourbon, considered the princes who occupied the other two, as
his natural enemies, whom it was his interest to overthrow.
But it was an undertaking in which he could not fail, without
ruining his own designs, and perhaps himself as well. It was
not then to be entered upon, without being fully certain of success.

The first condition to secure that success was that there
should be no occasion to fear a diversion on the Continent.

At the end of 1S07, Napoleon was master of the whole of
Italy,- and of that portion of Germany that lies between the Rhine
and the Elbe.^ He had, under the name of duchy of Warsaw,
restored a part of ancient Poland, extending from Silesia to the

' Head-quarters of the I'lmperor Napoleon during llie campaign of 1S07, in
Poland.

- The treaty of Presburg had given Venice to the kingdom of Italy. Jose['h
reigned at Naples. Thus the Papal States alone were not directly dependent on the
emperor.

■• Jerume Bonaparte reigned in Westphalia ; Murat at Berg. The Kings of Bavaria
and ^\ lirtemberg, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the other princes of the Rhenish
Confederation, were at the time thoroughly devoted to France.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 245

Niemen,^ so that that country was devoted to him. Prussia was
almost crushed. Austria, weakened by the losses of all kinds
which she had suffered, was not in a position to undertake
anything alone ; on the other hand, Napoleon had easily brought
Russia to entertain ambitious plans, and in giving her two wars
to carry on, had given her what would, for a long time, occupy
all her forces.^ Therefore, Spain appeared to him as completely
isolated as he could wish. But in attacking her he had a two-
fold danger to fear.

Since the Peace of Basel between France and Spain, that is
to say for eleven years, Spain had been the faithful ally of
France. Money, ships, soldiers, she had put everything at the
disposal of the latter, she had lavished all on her. At this
time, twenty thousand men, the flower of her troops, and the best
of her generals were serving in the French army at the further
extremity of Europe. How could he declare war against her }
What pretext could he allege .-* Could he divulge the motives of
his dynastic ambition .■' In making them known, he exposed
himself to the risk of turning against himself the feelings of his
own subjects ; and all his contempt for the human race did not
prevent him from understanding that the force of public opinion
must count for something. In declaring war he would provoke
Spain to resistance ; a thousand unforeseen circumstances might
arise, and, however successful and short this war might be, it
would none the less leave to the Spanish royal family both
the means and the time to repair to its possessions on the other
side of the ocean. Spain, in this case, would become for him a
possession, dangerous and difficult to govern, for the nation,
being attached to the royal family, would have formed wishes
for the success of its legitimate rulers, and always sided with the
American colonies ; this was leaving to the House of Bourbon, a
hope, a favourable prospect of returning to Spain. Besides,
the separation of the Spanish colonies from their metropolis
would entail serious losses on French commerce, and Napoleon

1 The Grand Duchy of Warsaw, formed of the Polish provinces taken from Prussia,
had been given to the King of Saxony.

* The first against Sweden in order to annex Finland ; and the other against
Turkey, in the hope of acquiring the Danubian principalities.

246 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

would consequently find that he had injured one of the dearest
interests of his people.

He must then employ all his art to prevent this twofold danger.
If it were possible for him to veil the odium of his undertaking,
knowing the inclination of men to pardon successful crimes, he
could flatter himself that the impression of the one he was medi-
tating would be much weakened, if already accomplished when
becoming known.

To conquer Spain, without striking a blow, there existed but
one means: it was, to introduce under the shadow of friendship,
sufificient forces to prevent, or to suppress everywhere, what
resistance might be offered. He must have a pretext. The
refusal of Portugal to break off relations with England furnished
it. Napoleon had been careful to prepare that pretext at Tilsit,
in his treaty of alliance with Russia, by stipulating that should
Portugal remain at peace with England, it should be treated as
an enemy. Instead then of declaring war against Spain, he
concluded a new alliance with her against Portugal.^ After being
conquered, a portion of that kingdom was to be annexed by the
Spanish monarchy, another portion was to be handed to the
Infanta Maria Louisa, and to her son, as indemnity for the
kingdom of Etruria which had been given to Napoleon,- and the
remainder was to form a principality for the Prince of the Peace. ^
That was the bait, by means of which the emperor persuaded that
traitor to obtain the signature of his sovereign to the treaty.

The emperor had spoken to me several times of his project
of seizing Spain. I opposed this plan with all my might,
showing the immorality and the dangers of such an undertaking.
He always alleged, as an excuse, the danger which a diversion
of the Spanish government would cause him, if he should meet
with an}- reverse on the banks of the Rhine or in Italy, and he

' Treaty of Fontainebleau, October 27, 1S07.

2 The 'i'reaty of Luneville had given the Grand Duchy of Tuscany to Louis, Duke
of Parma, son-inlaw of Charles IV., King of Spain, in exchange for liis States, which
were annexed to the kingdom of Italy. 1 utcany then took the name of Kingdom of
Etruria. King Louis dying in 1S03, his son, Louis II., was proclaimed under the
regency of his mother, the Infanta Maria Louisa. The secret treaty of Loniainebleaii,
October, 1S07, dispossessed the King of Etruria, whose States were incorporated with
the brench empire. In compensation he was promised the future kingdom of Lusi-
tania, which was to be created at the expense of Portugal.

■■ Manuel Godoy, born 1767, died it.51. f^mm simple body-guard, he rose to the
post cf Prime Minister. Was created Duke of Alcudia and Prince of the Peace after
lli'^ signature of the Peace of Basel. — {Translator.)

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 247

quoted to me the unfortunate proclamation of the Prince of
the Peace on the occasion of the battle of Jena. I had often
refuted that objection, reminding him that it would be very un-
just to hold the Spanish nation responsible for the fault of a
man whom it detested and despised, and that it would be easier
for him to overthrow the Prince of the Peace than to seize Spain.
But he replied to me that the idea of the Prince of the Peace
might be adopted by others, and that he would never be safe on
the Pyrenean frontier. It was then that, driven into a corner by
the artful arguments of his ambition, I proposed to him a
plan which presented the guarantees of security which he was
pretending to look for in Spain. I advised him to occupy
Catalonia until he should obtain maritime peace with England.
*' You will declare," said I to him, " that you will keep that
pledge until the peace, and by so doing you will hold the
Spanish government in check. If peace should be deferred
it is possible that Catalonia, which is the least Spanish of all the
provinces of Spain, might become attached to France ; there
are historical traditions for that; and perhaps it might be-
come definitely united with France. But anything further that
you may do will one day cause you bitter regrets.'' I did not
convince him, and he mistrusted me on this matter.

As I have just said, he tempted the cupidity and ambition of
the Prince of the Peace by a treaty relative to a dismemberment
of Portugal.

That treaty was negotiated secretly and signed on the 27th
of October, 1807, at Fontainebleau, by General Duroc, and
Councillor Izquierdo,^ (confidential agent of thej Prince of the
Peace), unknown to M. de Champagny, Foreign Minister, and also
unknown to me, although at that time I was chief Councillor of
State,2 and was residing at Fontainebleau.

As a result of the treaty of Fontainebleau an army of 30,000
Frenchmen was to cross Spain to unite with a Spanish army in
the conquest of Portugal. A second army of 40,000 men was to
be assembled on the Pyrenean frontier in order to be ready in case

1 Don Eugenio Izquierdo de Ribera y Lezaun, born at Saragossa, was a secret
agent of Spanish diplomacy, when, in 1797, he obtained, thanks to the protection of
Godoy, the position of Privy Councillor. He conducted several confidential missions,
principally under the Directory, and later in 1S07. He died in 1813.

' One of the prerogatives of the Chief Councillor of State was to sign all treaties.

248 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of need to assist the first, which was commanded by Marshal
Junot. This second army crossed the frontier under various
pretexts, and occupied fortresses in the north of Spain, and in
Catalonia. It was to take a solid footing in the country, which
was moreover totally without an army, the only really good
troops having been sent to serve with the French. These troops
mustering 20,000 men, commanded by the Marquis de La
Romana, had been sent to the borders of Denmark. Napoleon,
as one may see, had taken every precaution.^

The only thing that Napoleon might still have to fear, was
that the king and his family, taking alarm, should retire into a
distant province, and give from there the signal for resistance,
or that they should cross the sea.

I am now going to relate by what shameful ruses Napoleon
compelled the whole of this unfortunate family to deliver itself
into his hands.

In the month of March, 1S07, the Prince of the Asturias, who
was in secret correspondence with Don Juan de Escoiquiz,^
Archdeacon and Canon of Toledo, his former tutor, sent to
him at Toledo, where he lived, a private confidant of his, named
Don Jose Maurrique. The prince had given him a letter which
was to be handed to Don Escoiquiz. He spoke therein of his
suspicions as to the ambitious intentions of the Prince of the
Peace, who, obtaining every day from the king or the queen some
favour or other, was becoming more powerful. He commanded,
with the title of generalissimo and admiral, all the army, the
militia, and the navy ; it was already announced that the King,
Charles IV., tired of state affairs, and often ill, had left to him

^ In 1S07, Napoleon, wishing to punish the Madrid cabinet for the hostile
demonstration which it had made at the time of the rupture with Prussia (proclama-
tion of the Prince of the Peace), and to weaken the Spanish army, required the despatch
of a body of 15,000 men, destined to serve in the north of Europe. 1 he Marcjuis de
la Romana, lieutenant-general, commanded it. He was quartered in Fionia when the
news of the events of iSoS arrived. La Romana entered at once into negotiations
with the English fleet, which was cruising in the offing, and had his troops embarked
and transported to Spain. La Romana at their head fought energetically against the
French. He was a member of the Supreme Junta when he died (iSii).

- Don Juan de Escoiquiz, born in 1762, canon at Saragossa, was nominated by the
Prince of the Peace tutor of the Prince of Asturias, over whom he exercised the greatest
influence. He became Privy Councillor in 1S08. He followed the prince to \^alencay,
was imprisoned at Bourges, returned to Madrid in 1814, was appointed minister, but
did not exercise any further political influence.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 249

the regency of the kingdom. Once regent, the death of the
king would open a new career to his ambition, the bounds of
which no one knew. The character of the Prince of the Peace,
his marriage, which had placed him nearer the throne,^
frightened all those who were attached to the royal family.
Don Escoiquiz, alarmed by the letter of the Prince of the
Asturias, believed, good man that he was, that he had only to
enlighten the king and queen as to the designs of the Prince of
the Peace. He believed in the influence, which a letter, handed
by the Prince of the Asturias to the queen his mother would
have, and in which he would show the danger which the royal
family incurred on account of the blind confidence which the
king had in the Prince of the Peace. This letter, too full of logic
and truth, frightened the Prince of the Asturias, who did not dare
to deliver it, he was satisfied with copying and preserving it.
Ashamed of his want of resolution he wrote to Don Escoiquiz
that he considered it impossible for the queen to be unde-
ceived, and that it would be easier to make matters plain to the
king, if he should chance one day to speak to him in tcte-a-tete.

The good canon of Toledo wrote a note, which he adapted as
well as possible to the foibles of the king, and he sent it to the
Prince of the Asturias who waited in vain for the moment when he
could hand it to his father. This document, like the first, was
copied by the prince himself, and, also like the first, locked up
in his desk, where it was found when his papers were seized.

The Prince of the Peace, who suspected that the conduct of the
Prince of the Asturias hid some project scarcely favourable to his
views, endeavoured to find means to pry into the privacy of the
prince, and got the queen to propose to the latter to marry Dona
Maria Theresa, his (Godoy's) sister-in-law, second daughter of
the Infant Don Luis. This princess had a beautiful face, was
ambitious, and had already shown little aversion for love affairs.
The prince, who only knew her to be beautiful and pretty, had
given his consent to this marriage. But for some months the
ambition of the Prince of the Peace having become more asserted
and bold, this match was no longer spoken of Don Escoiquiz

1 The Prince of the Peace had married a Spanish princess, daughter of the Infant
Don Luis.

250 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

seeing that all means of getting the king and queen to know
the truth were failing, and that the proposition of the marriage
with Dona Maria Theresa had fallen through, fancied that a
foreign and powerful interest would alone afford real support to
the prince, in the critical position in which he found himself,
and it occurred to him to marry the latter with one of the
daughters of Napoleon's ^ family.

At this time a marriage with a niece of Napoleon seemed
likely to ensure to the Prince of the Asturias the shaken throne of
Spain, and to put this beautiful and noble country beyond the
reach of divisions. This result was to be preferred to that which
unexpected events soon brought about.

Don Escoi'quiz thought more every day of the plan which he
had adopted. Rumours disquieting to the royal family assumed
every day more consistency, and were spread among all classes.
Not being able now to bear the idea of being so far from his former
pupil, he wished to be nearer the centre of affairs and went to
Madrid. There he made the acquaintance of the Count d'Orgaz, a
loyal Spaniard, particularly attached to the Prince of the Asturias.
He spoke to him of his fears and his projects. In one of their
conversations Count d'Orgaz told him that Don Diego Godoy,
brother of the Prince of the Peace, was distributing money to the
Madrid garrison, and, by this means had secured the support of
a large number of the subaltern officers ; a colonel of the dragoons,
Don Thomas Jauregui, who was in the garrison kept him ac-
quainted with all the attempts which were being made to corrupt
the troops. There was not one officer of note to whom an agent
of the Prince of the Peace had not said, " You see the wretched
state of Spain, the Bourbon dynasty is absolute!)' on the decline;
the king is on the point of death; the prince is an imbecile;
measures must be taken ; you are a good Spaniard, we count on
you." A thousand propositions of this sort were openly made,
and by men who inspired confidence on account of their repu-
tation, and the positions they occupied. Don Luis Viguri, an

' Thi"^ project had for a moment some consistency. Napoleon beir.g sounded on
the matter had appeared to reply favourably (letter of (he Lmperor to the Prince
of the A-turias, April i6, iSoS, Coriapondciicc, vol. xvii.). A daughier of Lucien
Bonaparte had been proposed, but thi- plan was not carried out. It is probable that
the emperor never intended that it should be.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 251

officer in the commissariat who had kept up relations with the
chief officers, was one of the most active in that respect. In the
schools, in the academies, in all public buildings, the same
language was used. Abbe Stala, librarian of St. Isidro, had been
so imprudent even as to show the documents of which the
purport was to make clear to the Spanish nation, that, in the
crisis which was being prepared, there could only be safety
in placing entire confidence in the Prince of the Peace. Don
Escoiquiz felt that there was not a moment to lose, and that
all the friends of the throne must unite and form a league for
its defence. With this aim, he asked the Prince of the Asturias
for a credential in order that he could explain matters con-
fidentially to the Duke of Infantado, a young man of noble
birth, of a fine character, and pleasing and commanding appear-
ance, and standing well in public opinion. With this letter, written
by the prince, the canon sought the Duke of Infantado,^ and
spoke to him with the greatest frankness, but their principles not
permitting them to adopt any measure which could be contrary
to the fidelity they owed to the king, they confined themselves to
taking measures of precaution for the time when the king, whose
health was daily getting weaker and weaker, should die. The
Prince of the Peace had it in his power to conceal for some
moments the death of the king. The distrust, and the hatred
which he had skilfully inspired in the queen for her son,
enabled him to surround and fill the castle with devoted troops.
Supported by etiquette, he could, and that was his intention, have
brought the Prince of the Asturias to the bedside of the king, who
would be supposed to be still alive ; there to seize him, and all
the royal family, and make them sign by force, all the necessary
orders to place the authority in his hands, determining after-
wards what should be done with the princes.

The Duke of Infantado and Don Escoiquiz considered that
the only means of preventing this outrage would be to have

1 The Infantado was en ancient manor of Castile, so named, because it had formerly
been the appanage of the heirs presumptive of Spain. The duke, of whom mention
is mads here, belonged to the bilva family, who h.id acquired the duchy two
centuries before. Born in 1771, he Ijecame ihe friend of the Prince ofthe Asturias ; in
1808, lie recognized at fiist King Joseph, but soon separated from him and took
command of a' Spanish army co'-ps. President of the Council of Ca.stile in 1820,
he retired m 1826, and died in 1S36.

252 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

an act given beforehand by the new king, which would place
supreme military command in the hands of the Duke of
Infantado. This act would have also put all the authorities, even
the Prince of the Peace, under his absolute command, through-
out New Castile, and especially at Madrid, and in all the royal
residences. With this order, the Duke of Infantado, at the
first news he should have of the coming death of the king, was
to prepare the notification of his powers, take the supreme com-
mand of all the military forces, appear in the town, and in the
royal houses in the uniform of generalissimo, and even have
the Prince of the Peace arrested should he give signs of the least
restlessness. Don Escoiquiz drew up the act in question, and
sent it to the prince, explaining to him the object of the mea-
sure ; he persuaded him to write it out with his own hand, to
sign it, and to place on it his seal. The prince carried out all
that was suggested. The act was handed to the Duke of
Infantado, who was to keep it carefully till the time when he
should be called upon to make use of it. This act read as
follows : —

"We, Ferdinand VII., by the grace of God, King of
Castile, &c

"The Lord having deigned to take to Himself our dear and
well-beloved father, the King Charles IV., whom may God have
in His holy keeping, and consequently having ourselves ascended
the throne of Spain, as his natural and legitimate heir, knowing
that in the first moments of suspension of authority, which is
an inevitable consequence of the death of kings, it may happen
that there are persons who wish to take advantage of it, to
disturb the public peace, as the public voice seems to indicate ;
and considering that the best means of repressing maIe\olence
should it dare to take the form of any project of that sort, is to
put the entire military forces which surround us in the hands of
one whom we can trust, and who, besides talent, courage, and
noble birth, enjoys public esteem ; finding in you, Duke of
Infantado, my cousin, all these qualities united, we have
considered it our duty to confer on you, as we do by this
decree, the supreme command of the entire military forces in
New Castile, and in all the royal residences, infantry, cavalry,
artillery, militia, &c., without any exception, not even the
body-guard and the troops v^-hich compose our Royal Guard,
nor those which form the guard of the generalissimo, in order

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 253

that you may make use of them in the way in which you
shall deem useful or necessary to put down any rising, to
disperse any meeting, to dispel every seditious project against
our person, or the Royal Family, or any which is capable of dis-
turbing the public peace in any way whatever. Our wish being
to suspend, as we do suspend, every authority, even all military
power, which do not come under your orders, to that of the Prince
of the Peace as generalissimo, as well as that of the Captain
General of New Castile, we order, that all the military chiefs,
of whatever class or rank they may be, obey strictly your orders
as though they were our own, in everything which may concern
the public peace, for which we hold you responsible. And we
declare, subject to the punishment of traitors and enemies of
the country all those who by ignorance, affected or intentional,
shall oppose your orders, or shall not display the strict obedience
they owe you. We decree also, that all the civil and military
tribunals, and all magistrates of whatever class they may be,
assist in the execution of your orders, and all that concerns
them, under the same penalties for not so doing.

" We give you also all the necessary authority to imprison,
if it be necessary, all persons of whatever class, condition, or
rank they may be, without any exception, who shall be suspected
of wishing to disturb the public peace, or who shall disturb it.

" This is our will, as also that this decree, although not bear-
ing the ordinary sanction of one of the ministers, on account of
the urgency of the circumstances in which we are placed, be
observed and carried out as though it had the signature of one
of our ministers, being written, signed and sealed as it is, by
our own hand. The whole to be carried out under the penalties
of high treason on those who oppose it.

" At . . . the of the year

"Signed Yo El R^."

This decree had the date in blank, and it was to be filled
in at the moment of the death of the king, by the Duke of
Infantado.

Towards the middle of the month of June, 1S07, Don Escoi-
quiz received another letter from the Prince of the Asturias, in
which his Royal Highness told him that he had had it handed to
him by Don Juan Manuel de Villena, his first equerry, who
had received it from Don Pedro Giraldo, colonel of Engineers,
and tutor of the Infante Don Francisco,^ a letter which was

1 The Infante Don Francisco was the third son of King Charles IV.

254 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

intended to be delivered into the hands of his Royal Highness,
and was written by an individual, who said he belonged to
the French Legation. The contents announced a very secret
communication, which M. de Beauharnais,^ the ambassador of
France, desired to make to his Royal Highness. Don Esco'fquiz,
consulted by the prince, in order to know what he should answer,
told him to say to the persons who had given him the letter, that
he did not interfere in any matter, and did not make any private
appointments. He offered the prince to find out exactly if this
message was really from the ambassador of France or not.
To be certain on this point might be very useful, because, if the
message were false, the aim of it could only be to lay a trap for
his Royal Highness, which it was important to find out ; and that
if it were true, it was of the greatest consequence for the
interests of the prince not to lose the opportunity of becoming
acquainted with the intentions of Napoleon, both as regards the
position of the Prince of the Peace to the emperor, which was not
sufficiently known, as well as the marriage of the Prince of the
Asturias with one of the nieces of Napoleon, a subject on which
vague rumours were already in circulation. The reply of Don
Escoiquiz showed the utility as well as the security which the
support of Napoleon would give to the prince, if this marriage
should suit his ambition or his vanity.

To this letter, which, owing to subsequent circumstances,
furnished documentary evidence at the Escurial trial, the Prince of
the Asturias replied, giving his unreser\^ed approval. Thereupon
Don Escoi'quiz saw the Duke of Infantado, and, after having
told him of this new intrigue, asked him for an introduction,
under some plausible prete.xt, to the ambassador of France,
to whom he was not known. They chose as the prete.xt for the
introduction to the ambassador, who was considered, in Spain,
to be fond of literature, the presentation to him of a work
entitled The Conquest of Mexico, an epic poem written by
Don Escoiquiz. The ambassador, without showing any surprise

■• Franco!:, Marquis de Beauliarnais, Virother-in-Iaw of the Empress Josephine.
Born ill 1756, he was deputy from .Sologne ; cmigiated in 1792, and served in
the army of Condc ; returning lo France in iSoo, he was nominated ambassador
at the court of the King of Etruria in 1S05 ; then at Machid. He was recalled
in iSoS, and exiled to Sologne. Peer of France under the Restoration, he died
in 1S23.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 255

at his supposed literary reputation replied to the Duke that
he received the book and the author with pleasure. After
a few words about the conquest of Mexico, and a few questions
or remarks, which drew gradually nearer the object of his
visit, Don EscoTquiz opened his mind to the ambassador on
the subject of the message which was attributed to him, and
of the wish of the Prince of the Asturias to know the truth.

M. de Beauharnais displayed some embarrassment, evaded
the subject of the message, confining himself to saying that
such a step on his part would not be becoming towards the heir
to the throne, adding immediately, that his respect for the
Prince of the Asturias was such that he would be delighted to
have private opportunities of paying his court to his Royal
Highness. Don Escoiquiz clearly saw that the ambassador
admitted more than he denied. Emboldened by the indecision
of M. de Beauharnais he explained in a manner more precise,
and led the ambassador to say, that a letter from the prince in
his hands would give him sufficient confidence to speak with
him (Escoiquiz) of matters of the greatest interest to his Royal
Highness. To which Don Escoiquiz replied laughing that it
appeared to him that skilful diplomats liked to be able to deny
messages, but that a sign agreed upon beforehand could produce
the same effects, and give the same amount of confidence. It
was then decided between them that as the court was coming to
Madrid in two or three days, the ambassador should present
himself, according to custom, at the head of the diplomatic corps,
to his Royal Highness, and that there the prince should ask him
if he had been to Naples ; that on leaving the ambassador, and
passing to another foreign minister, he should draw his hand-
kerchief from his pocket, and keep it in his hand for a moment.

On the 1st July, the ambassadors attended a presentation to
the princes, and his Royal Highness made the sign agreed upon.
Two days later, Don Escoiquiz, informed of what had taken
place, went to the ambassador of France, from whom he
received most positive assurances of the affection which Napo-
leon entertained for the Prince of the Asturias, of the inclination
which he had to favour him in every way he could, and at the
same time of the small esteem in which he held the Prince

256 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of the Peace. Vague as these assurances were, Don EscoYquIz,
somewhat elated at the new part he was playing, and anxious
on account of the position of the prince, exploded the question
of marriage, and even went so far as to say that the prince left
to Napoleon the choice of that niece of his whom he should
think fit to give him. Secrecy was recommended on both sides.
M. de Beauharnais wrote at once to Paris, and asked for the
necessary authorizations to negotiate with the king, Charles IV.,
in order to prevent the Prince of the Asturias being com-
promised in the eyes of his father.

The vigilant watch kept by the Prince of the Peace over all
that concerned the French Embassy, had determined M. de
Beauharnais and Don Escoiquiz to select for their first inter-
view a retired spot in the garden of the Retiro. Twenty
days had elapsed when Don Escoiquiz received notice to be at
the spot agreed upon at two o'clock in the afternoon, when the
excessive heat would drive every one from the promenade. The
reply which the ambassador had received was rather insignificant,
and did not allude to the proposition of marriage. M. de Beau-
harnais attributed this silence to the fact that there was nothing
officially written on the part of the prince, and he advised
Don Escoiquiz to get His Royal Highness to write direct
to Napoleon. Don Escoiquiz thought this step likely to cause
too many difficulties for him to dare to propose it ; and he
persuaded, on his part, the ambassador to point out in his next
despatch, that the position of the prince did not admit of such a
delicate step being taken, until affairs were in a more advanced
stage. It may be doubted, owing to the vague language of M.
de Beauharnais, whether he had positive instructions ; but either
to serve the interests of the Beauharnais or that of the Bonapartes^
he entered into an intrigue with the Prince of the Asturias, which
intrigue could only serve the views of the emperor. However
it may be, M. de Beauharnais promised to write again, and to
send to Don Escoiquiz, who was obliged to return to Toledo, the
answer of Napoleon.

' The Beauharnais wished the Prince of the Aiturias to marry a niece of the
Empress Josephine, while the Bonapartes wished him to marry a daughter of
Lucien. The emperor only wished what would serve his purpose — {Prince Talley-
rand).

CHARLES MAURICE TALLEYRAND

FROM AH OLD E'-JGRAVING

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 257

Things remained in this state during the whole of the month
of August, and nearly the whole of September. It was only on
the 30th September, 1 807, that Don Escoiquiz received at Toledo
a letter from the ambassador of France, in which were extracts
from Napoleon's letter, the following words being underlined :

'' I do not buy, I do ?iot sell, T do nothing ivitJwtit

guarantee. Have you received any letter, any official note on this
matter? " The terms of blunt frankness employed in this letter,
induced Don Escoiquiz to go to Madrid. He saw M. de Beau-
harnais at the Retiro. At this meeting, the ambassador com-
plained that the prince had not had confidence in his first pro-
position, and he renewed it with greater insistence, saying, that
nothing was possible as long as his Royal Highness did not write
himself Don Escoiquiz, who for a long time had been of opinion
that the support of Napoleon was the only means for the prince to
escape from the dangers he was incurring, allowed himself to be
persuaded. He drew up a draft of a letter, and M. de Beau-
harnais having agreed that the terms which were employed
would suit Napoleon, the canon sent it to the Prince of the
Asturias, who made a copy of it in his own hand, and forwarded
it to Don Escoiquiz to give to the ambassador. Ho inclosed
with it, a note in which he pointed out Don Escoiquiz as the
only man who had his entire confidence in this matter. The
letter of the Prince of the Asturias shows too clearly the
general feeling of the time, for it not to be here reproduced in
its entirety.

The Prince of the Astiirias to the Emperor Napoleon.

"The Escurial, Oct. n, 1S07.
" Sire, — I consider this day as the happiest of my life, seeing
that it affords me the opportunity of expressing to your Imperial
and Ro>al Majesty— to a hero, destined by Providence tc
restore peace, order, and prosperity in Europe, threatened as
it is by a complete overthrow, and to strengthen tottering
thrones— the sentiments of regard, admiration and respect
with which your brilliant qualities inspire me. I should have
had, a long time since, this satisfaction, as well as that of assuring
your Imperial and Royal Majesty of the sincere desire which I
have to see increase happily the existing friendship between
our two houses, and to see this alliance, so advantageous to

VOL. I. '"^

258 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

both nations, become closer every day, by means of a marriage
which would unite me to a Princess of your Majesty's family.
But circumstances have obliged me to be silent, and it is
only in consequence of the explanations of M. de Beauharnais
and of the information which he has given me as to the wishes
of your Imperial Majesty, that I have resolved to speak.

" I fear that this step, so innocent in the terms in which I
make it, and in the position I am in, might be considered as a
crime should it be discovered.

" Your Imperial and Royal Majesty knows much better than
I, that the best kings are the most exposed to become victims
of the artifices of the ambitious and intriguing men who surround
them. Our court is not free from such men, and the benevolence
and uprightness of my dear parents expose them the more to
be the victims of their unloyal plots. I fear then, that those
men may have obtained their consent to some other projected
marriage for me, more suitable to their own interests, and I take
the liberty of asking your Majesty to open the eyes of my dear
parents, and to get them to adopt the alliance which I beg to
ask of you.

" The least intimation on the part of your Majesty will suffice
to ruin all the prospects, and to destroy all the projects of these
selfish and malicious men, regarding their Majesties, my august
parents, who love your Majesty so sincerely.

" As for myself, full of respect and filial obedience towards
their Majesties, I can only play a passive part in this matter, and
this will be to refuse any alliance which shall not have the approval
of your Majesty, and I shall expect from your kind ofiices, the
happiness of my dear parents, that of my country, and my
own, by the marriage with the princess whom I hope to receive
from their hands, and from those of your Imperial and Royal
Majesty.

" I am, &c.,

" (Signed) FERDINAND, PRINCE OF THE ASTURIAS."

The Prince of the Peace was informed by the spies whom he
had in the house of M. de Beauharnais, of what was going on,
and he immediately got the king to write a letter, which his
ambassador. Prince Masserano,^ had orders to carry imme-
diately to Napoleon, wherever he might be. This letter reached

^ Carlo Ferrero-Fieschi, Prince Masserano, captain of the body-guards of
Charles III., ambassador at Paris in 1805, and grandmaster of ceremonies of King
Joseph. He died in 1837.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 259

the emperor three days before he received that of M. de Beau-
harnais at Fontainebleau.

The King- of Spain complained very strongly to Napoleon
of his being in secret communication with his son, and he
spoke of the letter, which no doubt Napoleon had received from
the Prince of the Asturias.

For some weeks, affairs in Spain remained in suspense ;
and suddenly they assumed a new aspect, owing to the unfore-
seen arrival of the French army in several provinces of the
kingdom. The apparent object of this singular arrangement
was, as one has seen above, to oblige the court of Portugal to
separate its cause from that of England. It was in consequence
of the communications made by the Prince of the Asturias, and of
the complaints made against him by his father to Napoleon,
that the latter, partly by threats, and partly by promises, induced
the Prince of the Peace to consent to the stipulations of the
two treaties of the 27th October, 1807, which we consider it our
duty to insert here, on account of their importance in the
question under consideration. We have already said that these
treaties had been negotiated at Fontainebleau with the utmost
secrecy, by Don Izquierdo, the secret agent of the Prince of the
Peace, and Marshal Duroc, that is to say, in reality. Napoleon
himself The treaty ran thus : —

" His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. . .
and His Catholic Majesty the King of Spain, being spontaneously
desirous to regulate the interests of the two States, and to
determine the future condition of Portugal in a manner con-
formable to the policy of the two nations, have appointed for their
ministers plenipotentiary, namely : His Majesty the Emperor of
the French, General of Division Michael Duroc, Grand Marshal
of the Palace, &c., and His Catholic Majesty the King of Spain,
Don Eugene Izquierdo de Ribera y Lezaun, his honorary Coun-
cillor of State, &c. . ., who, after having exchanged their full
powers, have agreed upon what follows :

"Art. I. The provinces lying between the Minho and the

Duero, with the city of Oporto,^ shall be given in all property and
sovereignty to His Majesty the King of Etruna, under the title
of King of Northern Lusitania.

1 That is to say the northern part of Portugal, minus the province of Tras-os-
montes.

S 2

26o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

*' Art. 2. — The kingdom of Alentejo and the kingdom of the
Algarves,! shall be given in all property and sovereignty to the
Prince of the Peace, to be henceforth known under the title
of Prince of the Algarves.

" Art. 3. — The provinces of Beira, Tras-os-montes and Portu-
guese Estramadura,- shall remain in pledge until the general
peace, when it will be disposed of according to circumstances,
and in a manner which will then be determined by the high
contracting parties.

" Art. 4. — The kingdom of Northern Lusitania shall be pos-
sessed by the hereditary descendants of His Majesty the King of
Etruria, conformably to the laws of succession adopted, by the
reigning family of His Majesty the King of Spain.

" Art. 5. — The principality of the Algarves shall be hereditary
with the issue of the Prince of the Peace conformably to the
laws of succession adopted by the reigning family of His
Majesty the King of Spain.

" Art. 6. — In default of a descendant or legitimate heir of the
King of Northern Lusitania, or of the Prince of the Algarves,
these countries shall be given by form of investiture to His
Majesty the King of Spain, on the condition that they shall
never be re-united under one head, nor re-united to the crown
of Spain.

" Art. 7. — The kingdom of Northern Lusitania and the prin-
cipality of the Algarves recognize also as protector His Catholic
Majesty the King of Spain, and the sovereigns of these countries
shall not in any case, make war or peace without his consent.

" Art. 8. — In case the provinces of Beira, Tras-os-montes, and
Portuguese Estramadura, held in pledge, should be, at the
general peace, returned to the House of Braganza in exchange
for Gibraltar, Trinity and other colonies that the English have
acquired from the Spanish and their allies, the new sovereign of
these provinces shall hold towards His Majesty the King of
Spain the same obligations which are held towards him by the
King of Northern Lusitania and the Prince of the Algarves.

"Art. 9. — His Majesty the King of Etruria cedes in all
property and sovereignty the kingdom of Etruria to His
Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy.

" Art. 10. — When the definitive occupation of the provinces of
Portugal shall have been effected, the respective princes who will
be put in possession of them, shall name conjointly commissioners
to fix the proper limits.

1 All the southern part of Portugal, situated to the south of the Tagus, having
about 600,000 inhabitants.

- All the central part of Portugal, situated between the Tagus and tlie L'ouroand,
besides, the province of Tras-os-montes, that is, nearly half of the kingdom.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 261

"Art. II.— His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King
of Italy, guarantees to His Catholic Majesty the King of
Spain the possession of his states on the continent of Europe,
south of the Pyrenees.

"Art. 12.— His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King
of Italy, consents to recognize His Catholic Majesty the King
of Spain, as Emperor of the two Americas, at the date which
shall have been determined by His Catholic Majesty to take
this title, which will take place at the general peace, or at the
latest in three years hence.

"Art. 13. — It is understood between the two high contracting
parties that they shall divide equally between themselves the
islands, colonies and other maritime possessions of Portugal.

" Art. 14. — The present treaty shall be kept secret. It shall
be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Madrid
twenty days at the latest after the date of the signing.

"Done at Fontainebleau, October 27, 1S07.

"DuROC.

" E. IZQUIERDO."

Secret Convention of the Same Day.

" Plis Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy,
&c., and His Catholic Majesty the King of Spain, desiring to
settle the bases of an arrangement relative to the conquest and
occupation of Portugal, in consequence of the stipulations of
the treaty signed to-day, have named, &c., who, after having
exchanged their full powers, have agreed upon the following
articles.

" Art. I. — A corps of twenty-five thousand men of infantry,
and of three thousand cavalry, of the troops of His Imperial
Majest}' will enter Spain to repair directly to Lisbon ; it will be
joined by a corps of eight thousand men of the Spanish infantrj-
and three thousand cavalry, with thirty pieces of artillery.

" Art. 2. — At the same time a division of ten thousand men
of the Spanish troops shall take possession of the province
of Entre-Minho-Duero and the city of Oporto, and another
division of six thousand men of the Spanish troops shall take
possession of Alentejo and of the kingdom of the Algarves.

"Art. 3. — The French troops shall be fed and supported
by Spain, and their pay shall be furnished by France during the
time of their march across Spain.

" Art. 4. — From the instant when the combined troops shall
have effected their entrance into Portugal, the government

262 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and administration of the provinces of Beira, Tras-os-montes
and of Portuguese Estramadura (which are to remain in pledge)
shall be handed to the general commanding the French troops,
and all contributions shall be raised to the profit of France. The
provinces which are to form the kingdom of Northern Lusitania
and the principality of the Algarves shall be administered and
governed by the Spanish divisions which shall take possession of
them, and the contributions there shall be levied to the profit of
Spain.

" Art. 5. — The central corps shall be under the orders of the
commander of the French troops, whom the Spanish troops
attached to this army shall be likewise bound to obey. Neverthe-
less in case the King of Spain or even the Prince of the Peace
should judge it proper to join this corps, the French troops as
well as the general who shall command them, shall submit to
their orders.

" Art. 6. — Another body of forty thousand men of French
troops shall be assembled at Bayonne on November 20 next, at
the latest, to be ready to enter Spain, for the purpose of going to
Portugal in case the English should send reinforcements or
threaten an attack. Nevertheless, this new corps shall not enter
Spain until the two high contracting parties shall have mutually
agreed on this point.

" Art. 7. — The present convention shall be ratified and the
ratifications shall be exchanged at the same time as those of
the treaty of this day.

" Done at Fontainebleau, October 27, 1S07.

"DUROC.

" IZQUIERDO."

The entry of the French troops into Spain was considered in
various manners, according to the different interests which
then divided this unhappy country.

The Prince of the Peace regarded it as a means of putting
into execution his views on the sovereignty of a part of Portugal,
which had been assured to him by the treaty of Fontainebleau.

The persons attached to the Prince of the Asturias saw in
it a means employed by Napoleon to impose upon them the
Prince of the Peace, whom they supposed to be anxious to put
an obstacle in the way of the marriage of their prince and of the
abdication of King Charles which would result from it.

The mass of the Spanish people regarded Napoleon as a dis-

SPANJSH AFFAIRS. 263

interested protector, who was going to relieve the nation from
the oppression of the Prince of the Peace, and establish with the
country relations which would be advantageous for France and
for Spain.

A few months afterwards all these chimeras vanished. In
the first place, the Prince of the Asturias was arrested at the end
of the month of October, as guilty of high treason. Later, the
Prince of the Peace barely escaped perishing in a riot, and only
escaped death by being in his turn thrown into prison. As to
the Spanish people, who had so desired the arrival of the French,
and who looked upon them as liberators, they had to suffer on
their part at Burgos, and above all at Madrid, a treatment
which they had been far from anticipating.

It was on the same day that the treaty of Fontainebleau
was signed, October 27, 1807, at ten o'clock in the evening, that
the heir to the crown of Spain was arrested at the Escurial. They
accused him — these are the terms of the writ : — of having- wished
to dethrone his father and of having luisJicd to assassinate hijn.
The same writ stated that tJie king had received this intelligence
from an unknown soiirce, and that the affair would be tried
before a tribunal, composed of the Governor of Castile, Don
Arias Mon, of Don Domingo Fernandez de Campomanes, and
of Don Sebastian de Torres. The duties of clerk to the court
were to be performed by Don Benito Arias de Prada, the
Court alcade. Out of regard for the person of the prince, they
charged the Governor of Castile and the Minister of Justice,
the Marquis de Cavallero^ to receive his declarations. The
persons accused as accomplices were : Don Escoi'quiz, the Duke
of Infantado, the Marquis d'Orgaz, Count de Bornos, Don Juan
Emmanuel de Villena, Don Pedro Giraldo. Imprisoned in the
cells of the Escurial, they were deprived of all communication
between themselves and the outer world. To the three judges I
have just named, and at their request, after two months and a
half of examination, eight other judges drawn from the Council

^ Joseph, Marquis de Cavallero, born at Sarag:ossa in 1760, Fiscal oi ihe. Supreme
Council of war in 1794, Minister of Justice, 1798. He was dismissed in 1S08, but
remained Councillor of State and head of the Council of Finances. President of the
Section of Justice at the Council of State under King Joseph, he took refuge in
France in 1S14, returned to Spain in 1820, and died in 1821.

264 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Castile were added. The number of judges was thus increased
to eleven.

They declared unanimously on January ii, i8oS, that the
prince and the others accused were not guilty. The verdict
was sent to the king who did not publish it, and who, a few
days after, exiled to various different parts all the persons
against whom the accusation had been directed. The Prince
of the Asturias was consigned to his palace.

During the course of the trial, the number of French troops
entering the kingdom increased, and they took position at places
near Madrid, such as Segovia, Avila^ Olmedo and Aranda de
Duero.

These positions, which were not on the route of an
expedition coming from France to go to Portugal, and the
manner in which they took possession of Pampeluna and
Barcelona,- might lead one to believe in some menacing inten-
tions towards Spain itself. Explanations between the two
governments dissipated for a moment this uneasiness, but not
enough however to prevent the Prince of the Peace believing he
ought to give to the Spanish troops who were marching towards
Portugal, under the command of Lieutenant-General Solano,
orders to retrace their steps.^

The ambassador of France pretended to be ignorant of this,
and a few days after received an order to say that the Spanish
government, by the movement it had just had made by its troops,
having failed in the plans agreed upon and necessary for the
occupation of Portugal, the emperor found himself obliged, in
order to ensure the success of the expedition, to introduce into
Spain forces much greater than those of which the treaty
authorized the introduction. For fear of a counter order from
the Spanish government, which, in effect, arrived soon after.
Napoleon had his troops make forced marches, and, in a few
days, he occupied other places in Catalonia, Navarra and
Guipuscoa such as Figuera, San-Sebastian, &c.

^ Segovia and Avila are situated at only about sixty miles north-west of Madrid.

" These two cities were carried by force and by surprise by the French troops.

" Don Francisco Solano, Marquis del Socorro (1770- 1 SoS). A fervent admirer
and partisan of France, he served as a common soldier in the army of Moreau.
Named later Captain-General of Andalusia, he tried to prevent, and afterwards to
quell, the insurrection, and was assassinated at Cadiz in a riot.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 265

The Court of Spain wished to appear reassured ; the communi-
cations between the two governments followed the usual course,
while the country was invaded, without at all comprehending
such grave events. The Prince of the Peace began, nevertheless,
to lose a little of the confidence he had in Napoleon, and thought
of proceeding with the royal family towards the port of Cadiz.
Without daring at first to disclose all his projects, he confined
himself to proposing a journey to Andalusia. On March 1 3, 1 808,
he made the proposition to the king, who adopted the plan and
gave that very night the necessary orders to the Marquis de
Mos, Grand Master of the Palace, to the first Secretary of
State, Don Pedro Cevallos,^ and to the Marquis of Cavallero,
Minister of Justice.

This departure, at first fixed for a near day, was put off to
March 16, which gave time for the Marquis de Cavallero to
oppose a project which he disapproved. His private opinion
was that the king ought to wait at Madrid or at Aranjuez for
the arrival of Napoleon to take with him a determination upon
the political affairs of the two countries. The reasons given
by the Marquis de Cavallero to the king, in the presence of the
queen, produced a sufficient impression to cause him to revoke
the order for the journey, which was beginning to be no longer a
secret. The requisitions made in order to procure carriages and
horses for conveyance, the departure of Madame Tudo,^ who
had crossed Aranjuez in a travelling carriage, accompanied by
her children ; all these circumstances had caused agitation
among the people.

A decree badly drawn up, whose object was to reassure, and
which produced a contrary effect, increased the indignation
already so strong against the Prince of the Peace. They accused
him loudly of having counselled the king to abandon Madrid.
This counsel, they said, could only come from a man w^ho sought
to fill the soul of the king with personal fears ; the moment has
come, said they, for delivering the country from his oppressor.

^ Don Pedro Cevallos, born in 1764, was Minister of Foreign Affairs. Deeply
attached to the Prince of the Asturias, he was constantly the adversary of King Joseph,
and became the leader of the National Junta. He was disgraced in 1820, and died in
1840. He had married a niece of the Prince of the Peace.

- Dona Josepha Tudo was the mistress of the Prince of the Peace. Some people
have pretended that they were united by a secret marriage.

266 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The body-guard, which, for several months, had not received
their pay, showed themselves discontented at a journey burden-
some to them ; the palace servants, whose wages were equally
behindhand, and who found some aid at Madrid and at Aran-
juez, were in great uneasiness. Their fears spread among the
lower people ; the agitation had been manifesting itself for
several days ; the hatred which the people bore towards the
Prince of the Peace was still increased by the instigations of those
who, fearing his return and his vengeance, would without grief
have seen him perish in an insurrection. Popular risings are
very convenient for intriguers ; the threads are broken there
and researches become impossible. No measure of precaution
had been taken ; there were at Aranjuez only the number of
troops necessary for ordinary duty ; and besides they had not
chosen those upon whom they might count the most. Two
Swiss regiments, faithful and available, had been left and almost
forgotten at Madrid.

In this state of affairs, the slightest event might have in-
calculable results. On the night of the 17th to the i8th of March,
before midnight, a quarrel, in which were fired several pistol
shots between a patrol of carabineers and some body-guards,
became the signal for the insurrection. The people came out in
crowds ; passion carried them towards the house of the Prince of
the Peace ; they broke open the doors. The body-guard who were
at Aranjuez, and the Spanish guards and Walloons, consulting
only their duty, endeavoured to quell the disturbance. In spite
of all their efforts the house was sacked ; the rioters, however,
did not find the prince who had taken refuge on the roof, at a
place which by foresight he had had prepared, and that each year
of his administration had rendered more necessarj'. The people,
in the midst of this tumult, were particular to testify b}- the cries
of: "Down with Godoy ! Long live the king! Long live the
queen ! " who was the real object of their hatred ; the)- paid even
some marks of regard to the Princess of the Peace whom thej' led
to the palace with the Duchess of Alcudia, her daughter. The
effervescence lasted through the night, and at daj'break, the
people wishing to show the king their respect and attachment,
repaired to the palace, demanding to see the king, who came out

SPANISH AFFAIRS, 267

upon the balcony with all the royal family ; and there, several
times, they were applauded and greeted by the most lively
demonstrations of love and fidelity. A few signs of kindness and
of sensibility from the king, and the condescension shown in de-
claring himself that he would deprive the Prince of the Peace of the
offices of general-in-chief and admiral, sufficed to cause the with-
drawal of this multitude and to restore tranquillity for that day.
The troops, re-assured by the disposition of the people
towards the king, saw with pleasure the humiliation of the
Prince of the Peace. He was believed to have fled, and the crowd
which at first seemed only to wish to be delivered from him
retired and appeared satisfied. On the 19th, however, the rumour
spread in the city that the prince was hidden in his house ; he
had been discovered by a sentinel who refused to give him the
means of escape. The people ran in from all sides ; the prince,
perceiving some troops in the street, darted out ; before he could
reach the body-guards who surrounded him, he received several
blows upon the head. The king, informed of what was taking
place, and thinking that the Prince of the Asturias would have
more influence over the people than himself, induced his son to go
and announce to this immense crowd, that the Prince of the Peace
would be put on his trial. The Prince of the Asturias executed
promptly the orders of his father ; he addressed himself to those
who appeared the most excited and promised them, if they
would retire, that the prince should be led to prison and tried
according to the full rigour of the laws. These promises, the
distance that was gradually covered, the watch of the body-
guards brought the Prince of the Peace to the barracks of the
guards. They closed the gates, and he was taken to a room,
which by one of those chances destined to give men great lessons,
happened to be the same that he occupied when he was a simple
body-guard.

In the first moment, the king resolved to send the Prince
of the Peace to Grenada, to the castle of the Alhambra ; this
project was soon renounced, because it was feared that the
people might manifest displeasure at seeing him sent away and
perhaps escape, for whom they demanded chastisement.

The irresolution in which the absence of the Prince of the

268 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Peace left the king, the uneasiness which filled his mind, the little
confidence he had in himself, the perfectly material life that he
had led for many years, everything in fine made him think that
his health was feeble enough so that in such difficult circum-
stances, he might, without dishonour, abdicate the throne.

Perhaps he was also influenced by the fear he had, as well
as the queen, of seeing massacred under their own eyes the man
who, for so long a time and with such sway, had enjoyed their
confidence and all their favour ; but finally, this determination,
whatever may have been the motive, was taken without having
consulted any one. The king had Don Cevallos called and
ordered him to draw up an act of abdication. Don Cevallos
had already been informed of this resolution of the king by
the members of the diplomatic corps whom His Majesty had
seen in the morning, and before whom he had formally declared
that circumstances impelled him to put into execution a project
which his age and his infirmities had led him to conceive long
before, and that he was going to entrust the crown to hands
younger and more able to sustain the burden of it. The king,
addressing himself afterwards directly to Count Strogonoff,^
minister of Russia, said to him, with an air of satisfaction,
that he had never taken a resolution that was more agreeable
to him. His language was the same throughout the day with
the persons whom he had occasion to see, and particularly with
the ministers, the captain of the body-guard, and the colonel of
the Walloons.

On the 19th, in the evening, the act of abdication being signed,
and invested with all the necessary formalities, the king ordered
the Prince of the Asturias to come into his presence, com-
municated it to him, and had it published. The prince,
immediately after having kissed the hand of the king, his father,
received by his order the felicitations and homage of the House
of His Majesty and of all the court.

The new king, desiring to have the first act of his reign
agreeable to his father, took on the instant, the measures he
judged most proper to arrest the movements of the people which

' Gregory Alexandrowitch, Count Strogonoff, ambassador of Russia at Constan-
tinople, then at Madrid and at London. He died in 1S57.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 269

at Madrid were directed against the relations and friends of
the Prince of the Peace. The ministers of the King Charles IV.
were retained in their offices, with the exception of Don Solar
who, being a partisan of the Prince of the Peace, had been
obliged in the first moments of the outbreak at Aranjuez to hold
himself aloof They replaced him by Don de Azanza,^ former
viceroy of Mexico ; the Duke of Infantado, to whom public
opinion was favourable, became president of the Council of Castile
and colonel of the Spanish Guards. The Prince of the Peace was
transferred to Pinto under the guard of Lieutenant-General
Marquis de Castellar.

The first arrangements made, the new king thought it proper
for him to repair to Madrid and to pass some time there. This
resolution, to which he was led at the instance of the people
of the capital, and perhaps also by the secret desire that he had
to see a general sanction given to the abrupt and important
acts which had taken place at Aranjuez, may have had a very
great influence over the destinies of Spain, since by this step
Ferdinand closed for himself the road to Andalusia. This
reflection was no doubt overlooked by the Grand Due de Berg,^
who, on being informed of the project of the king, instructed M.
de Beauharnais to repair to Aranjuez, to dissuade His Majesty
from coming to Madrid, while so many French troops were
there. The king while refusing to accede to the proposition
made to him by the ambassador, put forward the engagements
he had taken with his capital.

The arrival of the king at Madrid was announced by a
proclamation, and had the effect of re-establishing order in the
city. The inhabitants of all classes hurried to meet him, and
with the most lively and most affectionate expressions, testified
to him their joy, and showed the hopes the new reign raised in
them.

1 Don Jose Miquel de Azanza, born in 1746, was at first charge d'affaires in
Russia, then in Prussia. He entered the army afterwards, was appointed Minister of
War in 1795, then Viceroy of Mexico. Having returned to Spain in 1799, he
became Minister of Finances on the accession of Ferdinand (1S08). He was one of
the first to attach himself to King Joseph, became Minister of Justice, then of Foreign
Aflfairs. Exiled in 1814, he took refuge in France, where he died.

- Murat, Grand Due de Berg, was then lieutenant of the Emperor in Spain, and
resided at Madrid.

270 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The object, which at this moment filled all minds and occupied
them solely, did not allow them to perceive the situation in which
the country was placed. Very few of the inhabitants of Madrid
knew that the city was surrounded by 60,000 Frenchmen, and on
March 23, when the Grand Due de Berg, followed by his staff-
officers, entered Madrid, he astonished the greater number of the
inhabitants who were ignorant of his arrival in the kingdom, and
he frightened no one. The species of revolutionary giddiness
which agitated the minds, led the multitude to believe there
were no dangers which could not be conquered by men who had
defeated the power of the Prince of the Peace.

On the day after the arrival of King Ferdinand VII. in
Madrid, the foreign ministers, with the exception of the am-
bassador of France, the minister of Holland and the charge
d'affaires of Saxony,^ presented themselves at the palace to have
the honour of paying their respects to the new king.

M. de Beauharnais, ambassador of France, saw him in private,
and announced the approaching arrival of the emperor in Spain.
The relations he had previously had with the king, authorized
him in believing that he might counsel him to go and meet
Napoleon. He tried to induce him even to pursue his journey
as far as Bayonne, assuring him that the emperor, touched by
this proof of confidence, would not delay a moment in recogniz-
ing him as King of Spain, and according him one of his nieces
in marriage. The ambassador added that it would be suitable
for the king to take the necessary precautions for putting the life
of the Prince of the Peace out of all danger, and for giving his
orders to have the procedure which had been commenced against
him suspended. The Grand Due de Berg, who saw King
Ferdinand VII. at the house of the Queen of Etruria on two
occasions, used the same language, with this difference, that in
speaking of the Prince of the Peace, his expressions were less
measured than those of M. de Beauharnais. Both, in addressing
the king, used no title except that of Royal Highness, and even

displayed some affectation in making use of this title. The king

^ The minister of Holland was M. de Verhuell, and the cha?-ge d'affaires of
Saxony Baron von Forell. As is known, Louis Bonaparte was then King of
Holland and the King of Saxony was entirely devoted to Napoleon, which explains
the reserve of the two diplomatistb.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 271

made no agreement with them ; his reph'es were polite, and a
slight embarrassment enabled him to make them very laconic.

The difficult circumstances in which King Ferdinand found
himself, induced him to form a private council immediately.
He composed it of Dons Infantado, Escofquiz, San Carlos,^
Cevallos, Cavallero, Olaguer, and Gil de Lemos. The Duke of
San Carlos had the position of grand master of the household of the
king,the Marquis de Mos,who had filled it, having been dismissed.
The king charged Don Escoiquiz to follow up particularly all the
affairs that the cabinet might have to treat of with the ambassa-
dor of France and the Due de Berg. The choice of Don Escoiquiz
had been determined b}' the idea that the ambassador of France^
whose position was believed to be uneasy, would feel more at
home, or, what would amount to the same thing, more em-
barrassed with Don Escoiquiz than with any other member of
the council.

The first conference of Don Escoiquiz with the ambassador
of France took place a few days later, but it threw no light
upon the state of affairs. The Grand Due de Berg was present ;
the language used was the same. In the menacing volubility of
Murat, and the meek, vague and reserved words of M. de Beau-
harnais, Don Escoiquiz believed he could see that the real
interest of the two principal personages that were supposed to
act by direct order of Napoleon, bore especially upon the
journey of Ferdinand VII. to Bayonne, where he was to find
the emperor, and upon the interruption of the trial of the Prince
of the Peace. M. de Beauharnais, restrained and directed in this
conference by the language of the Grand Due de Berg, perceived
that he had not, up to that time, been thoroughly on the side of
his government, and like people who change opinion, not from
reflection but solely from interest, he threw himself without

1 Don Jo^e Miquel de Carvajal, Duke of San Carlos, born in 1771, was brigadier-
'-'eneral then chamberlain of the Prince of the Asturias and governor of his children :
^'iceroy of Navarra in 1S07. He was compromised in the plot of the Escurial and
disgraced in 1S08. Ferdinand afterwards recalled him to his council. The duke
followed his master to Valen9ay, but was afterwards confined at Lons-le-Saunier. He
returned to Spain in 1814, was named minister of state, then ambassador at
Vienna (1815) and at London (1817). After the Revolution of 1S20, he retired to
Lucca, where an Infanta of Spain (the Duchess Maria Louisa, former Queen of
Etruria), was reigning, and was named by her minister to France. After the return
of Ferdinand, he became ambassador of Spain at Paris. He died in 1828.

272 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

reserve into all the ideas of the Grand Due de Berg, in whom
he did not inspire so much confidence as that he had lost on the
part of King Ferdinand. The Grand Due de Berg terminated
this conference by observing to Don Escoiquiz that it was im-
portant to take measures to put an end to the agitation raised
among the people by the presence of so large a number of
Frenchmen in Madrid.

This change of feeling towards the French came from the
people's believing they no longer had need of them. They were
delivered by their own efforts from the oppression of the Prince
of the Peace, and were full of confidence in their new king ; thus
no longer regarding the French as liberators, they found them
very dear and inconvenient guests.

Don Escoiquiz reported to the council the result of his
conference with the Grand Due de Berg and the ambassador
of France. Thereupon his colleagues associated with him for
further conferences the Duke of Infantado ; and both
were instructed by the king to go to Murat and say to him
that it was the intention of King Ferdinand VII. to go to
meet the emperor as soon as he should have certain news of his
arrival on the frontier, but that the letters from France did not
advise him yet of his departure from Paris ; that, as to the
Prince of the Peace, his trial could not be suspended, because
the prosecution and the publicity of this act of justice were
one of his duties towards the nation, but he promised that the
sentence, whatever it might be, should not be executed until
after having been submitted to the approval of the emperor.
Dons Infantado and Escoiquiz added that they had just
taken the most efficacious measures to restore tranquillity in
Madrid, and, in effect, it had been ordered that all house-
owners should patrol night and day the quarters in which
they lived. The garrison of Madrid, at the request of the
Grand Due de Berg, had been reduced to two battalions of
Spanish guards and Walloons, and the body-guards. This
small number of troops were employed in seeing the orders of
the magistrates of police executed, and in putting a stop to
the quarrels which might arise between the inhabitants of
the city and the French.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 273

These answers did not satisfy Murat, who, after having
insisted most strenuously as to the suspension of the trial
of the Prince of the Peace, complained bitterly of the delays
experienced in the execution and even in the replies to all
the demands he made for the support of his troops. These
new complaints would furnish special motives for independent
action, of which he could make use according to his views,
and this remark received, a few days after, its application. A
body of troops on horseback, under the pretext of seeking
fodder, came with artillery to occupy the heights of Pinto.
The Marquis de Castellar informed the king of this new move-
ment of the French. After some altercation between the Grand
Due de Berg and the Spanish government on this subject, the
latter decided that the Prince of the Peace should be trans-
ferred from Pinto to the Castle of Villa Viciosa situated
three leagues from Madrid, and where there were no French
troops.

The council of the king believed itself perfectly secure on
this point, when the Grand Due de Berg sent for the Duke of
Infantado and Don Escoiquiz and declared to them that he
had received new orders from the emperor demanding that the
person of the Prince of the Peace should be delivered into his
hands. He engaged to have him taken out of Spain, and gave
his word of honour that he should never re-enter the country,
adding that the will of the emperor was so precise that it was
his duty to take possession of the Prince of the Peace by force,
if he were not given up immediately. The king authorized
Dons Infantado and Escoiquiz to reply that the arrival of the
emperor was announced as being very near at hand, and that
it would be so decisive for the internal affairs of Spain, of which
he was going to be the arbiter, that he did not doubt that the
Grand Due would put off until that moment the mode of
action which he had threatened to employ. They added that
if he resorted to force to carry off the Prince of the Peace, his
safety would certainly be compromised, in consequence of the
inevitable popular rising which would be provoked by such a
measure.

To the menacing instances of Murat were added those of

VOL. I. "■'

274 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the ambassador and of General Savary.^ The latter, in pre-
senting the same demands in the name of the emperor, whom
he had left only a few days before, brought positive news of his
arrival at Bordeaux. He was pleased to speak of the disposition
of Napoleon for Ferdinand VII., employing all the terms calcu-
lated to inspire confidence. Thus, he assured the new king that
he would be recognized ; that his marriage would be concluded ;
that the integrity of Spain would be guaranteed at the first
interview that the prince would have with the emperor ; and
that, for so many advantages, the emperor wished only to hear
from the mouth of the prince, in whom he confided, that Spain,
under his authority, would be as faithful an ally of France as it
had been after the Family Compact. -

The same demands, the same replies repeated for several
days left matters in the same state, up to the Sth of April, when
the king, after having taken the advice of his council, decided to
send the Infante Don Carlos ^ to meet Napoleon. The prince
was to go even to Paris, if he did not find the emperor on the
road. He was the bearer of a letter from the king, his brother,
in which, after having spoken of the desire to form the closest
alliance with the emperor, and having renewed his demand for
one of his nieces in marriage, he announced that he would go
to meet His Majesty, as soon as he should be aware of his
approaching the frontiers of Spain. He concluded his letter by
leaving to the equitable decision of His Majesty the affair of
the Prince of the Peace.

The Infante departed with this letter April 9. He was
accompanied by the Duke of Hijar, Don Vallejo, Don Macanaz,*

^ Rene Savar>', born in 1774 at Marc, near Vouziers, entered the army at an early
age, and was colonel of gendarmes in iSoo. Closely attached to the emperor, he
became general of division and Due de Kovigo, and was named ambassador at .St.
Petersburg in 1S07. In 1S08, he commanded for a short time the French troops in
Spain. He became i\Iinister of Police in 1810. Having been sentenced to death
per cpntumatiam in 1S15, he returned to France and had the sentence quashed. He
lived in retirement under the Restoration. In 1831, he was named Governor of
Algeria, and died in 1S33.

- The treaty concluded in .-X-Ugust, 1761, by which all the branches of the House
of Bourbon agreed mutually to assist one another. — {Translator.)

^ The Infante Don Carlos, second son of King Charles, was born in 17SS. In
iSoS, he accompanied Ferdinand to Valenvay, and did not return to Spain until 1S14.
At the death of the king, his brother, he vainly claimed the throne in the name of
the Salic law. The Carlist party dates from that time.

* Don Pedro Macanaz, born in 1760, was Secretary of Embassy in Russia. He

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 275

and the Marquis of Feria. At Bayonne, he found the Duke of
Frijas, the Duke of Medina-Coeh', and Count of Fernan-Nunez,i
already sent by King Ferdinand to pay his respects to Napo-
leon, who a few days after arrived at Bayonne.

The news of his departure from Paris, reached Madrid on
April II. King Ferdinand, harassed by all the claims of the
Grand Due de Berg, the entreaties of General Savary, and the
suggestions of M. de Beauharnais, took the resolution of leaving
on the loth for Burgos. His ministers had advised this unani-
mously. Seeing that the king could neither negotiate nor defend
himself, nor escape, they thought there was no other course for
this unhappy prince to take, than to place himself with confi-
dence in the hands of Napoleon.

They could not negotiate seeing that Ferdinand VII. had not
been recognized : Napoleon had not replied to any of his letters,
and there was reason to suspect that the frequent communications
which took place between the king, the queen and the Grand
Due de Berg, through the medium of the Queen of Etruria, had
for their object to induce King Charles to "withdraw his abdi-
cation. These secret negotiations, which had adjutant-general
de Monthion,^ for messenger, and the Queen of Etruria for
instrument, produced the antedated act of March 21, in which
King Charles declares :

" I protest and declare that my decree of March 19, by which
I abdicate the crown in favour of my son, is an act to which I
was forced in order to prevent the greatest misfortunes, and the
shedding of the blood of my beloved subjects. It must, in con-
sequence, be regarded as of no value.

" I, the King."

accompanied the princes of Spain into France, was shut up for some time at Vin-
cennes, and kept afterward under supervision at Paris. In 1814, he became Minister
of Justice, was arrested for malversations and suffered two years imprisonment. He
died shortly after.

1 Count of Fernan-Nunez, bom in 1778, was one of the most ardent supporters of
the Prince of the Asturias. He accepted, nevertheless, the office of Grand Veneur*
at the court of King Joseph ; but having been convicted of treason, he was forced to
fly. In 1S15, he was named by Ferdinand ambassador at London, and then at Paris
in 1817. He died in 1821.

- General Monthion had been instructed by Murat to approach Charles IV. for
the purpose of pressing him to protest against his first abdication in favour of Fer-
dinand. (See on this episode Memoirs on the Affau-s of Spain, by Abbe de Pradt.)

* Grand-Master of the Hunt.

T 2

276 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

The natural result of this protest, which was as yet only
suspected by the ministers of Ferdinand VII., must be an
appeal of King Charles to Napoleon against his rebellious and
usurping son.

It could not be prevented ; the essential forces of the king-
dom were enfeebled by the absence of a corps of nearly twenty
thousand men, who, under the command of the Marquis de la
Romana, were fighting in the north of Europe with the French
armies. Ferdinand VII. had hardly three thousand men about
him ; the people were without arms, and when, under any
pretext whatever, the government spoke of bringing a few
battalions to Madrid, the Grand Due de Berg opposed it with
all the boldness inspired by the one hundred and fifty thousand
men whom he commanded.

Flight was impossible ; the least preparation would have
betrayed the project ; the suspicion aroused by the attempted
escape of Charles IV., some days before, kept the people upon
the alert. The king was surrounded by spies, perhaps even
in the very council, although Don Cavallero and Don Olaguer
were no longer members of it, and had been replaced by
Don Penuelas and Don O'Farril.^ Besides, to retire without
an army, without strongholds, and without money, even to
Algesiras, was a desperate step. The council was lacking in
energy.

Besides, it was known that, in a treaty drafted at Paris about
March 20 by Don Izquierdo, Napoleon had inserted among the
bases of an agreement, the obligation for Spain to cede to him
a portion of her territory by fixing the Ebro as the boundary of
the two countries. No one revolted at this idea ; everybody, it
is true, grieved at the necessity of making this sacrifice, but it
was hoped that, at the moment of the marriage. Napoleon
would forego his project, and restrict himself to securing the
military route which was necessary for France in order to com-
municate with Portugal, and to obtain for French commerce, the

' Don Gonzalo O'Farril, bom in 1 753 of an Irish family in the service of Spain,
was lieutenant-general and inspector of infantry. After the departure of the king, he
was a member of the Junta of government presided over by the Infante Don Antonio.
Nevertheless, he recognized Kmg Joseph, and served him faithfully. Condemned to
death in 1 8 14, be took refuge in France, where he died.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 277

free introduction into France of the products of the Spanish
colonies.

Ferdinand VII., before leaving INIadrid, entrusted the care of
the government, during the time of his absence, to a Junta
presided over by the Infante Don Antonio,^ his uncle, and com-
posed of Dons Penuelas, O'Farril and Azanza. He was accom-
panied by the Dukes of Infantado and of San Carlos, and by
Dons Cevallos, Escoiquiz, Musquiz, Labrador,- and a very small
number of attendants. He had with him only a single squadron
of the body-guards. Two companies of Spanish guards and
Walloons were ordered to await him at Burgos. He took three
days to reach there. The determination that had been taken
had been preceded by so much irresolution, that all motives for
retarding his progress agreed with the disposition in which the
king and his retinue were at the time. The king found the
roads covered with French troops all armed, and did not meet
with a single Spanish soldier on his route. At Burgos, Marshal
Bessieres was in command of a body of nearly ten thousand
men ; he offered to the king to reach Vittoria by means of the
relays prepared for Napoleon ; the king availed himself of
them. General Savary, who had accompanied him so far, went
on in advance to Bayonne, whence he returned on the iSth
to Vittoria with new instructions. Vittoria was occupied by
the first brigade of General Verdier's division, which was
composed of nearly four thousand men. General Lefebvre
had brought, on the evening before, from Burgos, two hundred
dragoons of the guard, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henri was
there with fifty chosen gendarmes. On the 20th, Marshal
Bessieres was to be there with four battalions of Napoleon's

guard.

King Ferdinand VII. took up his quarters at the Vittoria
town-hall, and remained there three days. General Savary
brouo-ht him a letter from Napoleon. In spite of the ob-

1 The Infante Don Antonio, brother of King Charles IV., was born in 1755. He
had married his niece, the Infanta Maria- Amelia.

- Pedro Gomez Kavelo, Marquis de Labrador, bom in 1775. He was in 1807
minister of Spain at Florence. He accompanied King Ferdinand to Valen9ay, was
in 1814 named councillor of state, ambassador at Tans, and plempotentiary at the
Congress of Vienna. He became after this, ambassador at Naples, then at Rome,
and died in 1850.

278 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

scurity of some of the expressions of this letter, the difficulties
of the situation in which King Ferdinand found himself were
such that he felt inclined to put a favourable interpretation upon
all that came from Napoleon, and this disposition was shared
by all the persons attached to the king, even by those who
had preceded him to Bayonne. Count of Fernan-Nunez, Dons
Hijar, Vallejo, and Macaiaaz wrote that they anticipated the
happiest results from the interview about to take place between
the two sovereigns.

The king, decided though he was to go on to Bayonne,
liked to have reasons given him for continuing his route. Several
times in the day, he took the advice of his council, and although
the opinion was always the same, he consulted them still. The
slow progress occasioned by the inaction in which they remained
during three days, gave uneasiness to General Savary, who had
orders to bring the princes to Bayonne, willingly or by force.
Plans were made to carry them off on the 19th, if, during the
day of the 1 8th, a last attempt at persuasion did not succeed.
The town-hall was to be surrounded on the 19th, in the
morning, by the infantry of General Verdier ; three pieces of
artillery, loaded with grape-shot, were to be placed at the three
gates of the city ; General Savary, at the head of his gendarmes,
and supported by a hundred men of light infantry, was to force
his way into the palace. All these arrangements proved useless,
the king having announced that he would leave the next day
at nine o'clock in the 'norning. At the moment the king
stepped into his carriage, loopular instinct collected a great
crowd around it ; they cut the traces of the mules ; cries
of fury were heard on all sides. This tumult might have
become very serious, if the king had not decided at once
to make a proclamation the effect of which upon the people
was remarkable ; their cries became tears, and shortly after
they became prostrated. The mules were again put to the
carriages ; the body-guards mounted their horses and all set out.
At eleven o'clock in the evening, the king arrived at Irun with
his retinue. He alif^hted at the house of Don Olazabal, which
was outside that little city. It was guarded by a battalion of the
king's regiment. General Savary did not arrive at Irun until the

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 279

20th at seven o'clock in the morning. An accident to his
carriage had caused this delay.

Thus, the king and his attendants were eight hours alone,
without a French escort in a Spanish house on the seashore,
where several boats were fastened to stakes placed in the garden
itself. General Savary, on alighting from his carriage, repaired
in great haste and perplexity to the house where the king
was staying, and found him asleep. At eight o'clock in the
morning, thej- all left for Bayonne. At the moment when the
king arrived on French territory, detachments of the Imperial
Guards surrounded his carriage. Their number appeared to some
of the Spaniards rather large for a simple escort of honour. This
remark, vague at first, became a sinister foreboding, when, on
passing Ogunna, they read on the arch of triumph, these words :
" He who makes and unuiakes kings is more than a king Jmnsel/y
Such an inscription was a startling menace for the princes of
Spain, and said to them, like that of Dante :

" Lasciate ogni s^eratiza, voi cKentrate." ^

Thus was achieved the most memorable, perhaps, of all the
outrages of Napoleon. The princes of Spain were outside of
Spanish territory, and the emperor held them in his power.

Their sojourn at Bayonne possesses no other interest than
that proceeding from the different means the imagination of
Napoleon employed to deceive himself, or that his character and
malice furnished him for prolonging for some hours the error of his
simple and unfortunate victims, and for exciting gigantic efforts
on the part of France, which did not offer any other prospect
than to place one of his brothers on the throne of Spain. All
that passed then is found described in detail, with exactness and
interest, in the work of M. de Pradt f and therefore my object

1 "All hope abandon, ye who enter here."

3 Dominique Dufour de Prjdt, born in 1759 at Allanches (Auvergne), of a noble
family. He was at first an officer, but left the military career to enter orders. Vicar-
general at Rouen, he was afterwards deputy of the clergy to the States-General. He
emigrated in I 791, returned to France under the Consulate, and became chaplain to the
emperor, then Bishop of Poitiers (1S05). Napoleon employed him in the affairs of Spain
in 180S, and gave to him soon after the archbishopric of Malines. He was ambassador
to Warsaw in 1S12. In 1S14, he was named Granrl Chancellor of the Legion of
Honour. He was, in 1817, elected deputy from Clermont-Ferrand. He died in 1S37.
M. de Pradt has written much. The work mentioned above, Mcmoircs Hisloriqius
sur la Rcfolution cfEspagnc, was published in I'aris in 181 5.

28o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

is simply to follow, as a mere thread, the special events of each
of the days that the young princes passed at Bayonne, before
proceeding to Valen^ay, where I was to have the honour of
receiving them, and where I was fortunate enough to be able
to spare them, at least, some anxiety and cares.

Between Vidante and Bayonne, King Ferdinand met the
Infante Don Carlos, who, accompanied by Dons Frias, Medina-
Cceli, and Fernan-Nunez, came to meet his unhappy brother.
The king had them enter his carriage, and there he learned
from them, with the greatest surprise, that Napoleon had
declared to them the day before at ten o'clock in the morning,
that they should never return to Madrid, and that one of his.
Napoleon's, brothers was to occupy the throne of Spain. I
mention the hour at which this declaration was made because it
proves that it had taken eighteen hours to bring this news to
Irun ; and at Irun, as has been seen, King Ferdinand could still
have released himself from his despoilers. At one league from
Bayonne, there no longer remained for the princes anything but
sad resignation or confidence in reasons, on the force of which
it would have required much simplicity to rcl}-.

The carriages advanced towards P^>ayonne ; at half-past
twelve the princes arrived there, and a few moments later, King
Ferdinand received a visit from Napoleon. In this first inter-
view, all was insignificant, except the alarming word Elle^
employed by Napoleon, and this word, an ordinary expression
of regard, was as applicable to the title of Majesty as to that of
Royal Highness. Ferdinand VH. hastened at once to repair to
the palace to present his homage to Napoleon who had paid
him the first visit. Napoleon invited him to dine at the Chateau
of Marrac ; ^ he also invited the Dukes of San Carlos, of Medina-
Cceli, and of Infantado ; the Prince de Neufchatel was the only
Frenchman present at the dinner. They did not speak of politics.
On the morrow, Napoleon granted private audiences to the Dukes
of San Carlos, and of Infantado and to Don Escolquiz. He
told them he was determined to change the dynasty that reigned

^ The Chateau of Marrac, situated one kilometre south of Bayonne, was built
in 1707 for the Queen-Dowager of Spain, widow of Charles II., refugee in France.
Napoleon bought it in 1807. It was destroyed by fire in 1S25.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 2S1

on the throne of Spain, and, forgetting that he had repeated a
thousand times that his existence at the head of France was
incompatible with that of a prince of the House of Bourbon on
one of the thrones of Europe, he craftily gave for the date and
motives of his projects as to Spain, the proclamation made by the
Spanish government at the time of the battle of Jena. It had
been, he said, regarded in France, if not as a declaration, at least
as a menace of war : he then announced, in a firm voice, that
nothing could move him from his purpose. There he stopped, as
if to note the full effect of the terrible words he had just pro-
nounced. After a moment of silence, which he broke by the softest
expressions, he spoke of the misfortunes of the young princes,
and said that his policy being in veritable contradiction to his
heart, he could not refuse any means of happiness for them,
which would be compatible with the system he had adopted.
He even went so far as to offer King Ferdinand, provided he
would cede his right to the crown of Spain, Etruria, with the
title of King, a year of this kingdom's revenue so that he might
form his establishment, one of his nieces in marriage, and, in
case he died without children, to establish the succession in the
male line of the princes, his brothers.

Struck by what they had just heard, the Dukes of Infantado,
and of San Carlos, and Don Escoiquiz, tried to combat the system
of Napoleon, who, entering into their feelings, but as a man whose
ideas are irrevocably settled, bade them to omit nothing which,
on returning to their master, they might reproach themselves for
having failed to mention. With one mind they said that the
object of the emperor being to secure the durable alliance of
Spain, the known character of the young king, and his marriage
with one of Napoleon's nieces, was for the time being a guarantee
preferable to all others, and that, if they wished to carry forward
their ideas to a distant future, they must own that besides the
track of human policy being lost in its mists, the descendants of a
prince of the House of Napoleon, in proportion to their removal
from their common origin, would become indifferent to family
sentiment, and might even, on occasion, endure impatiently the
yoke imposed by an older and more powerful branch. And with
a noble and touching expression, they added that it would be

282 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

very difficult for history, to whose burin he had furnished such
beautiful illustrations, to set down the motives for the despoiling
of a powerful king, who had come in confidence to render homage
to a sovereign, who had been his ally for six years. Then entering
into the examination of the political consequences of the resolu-
tion of the emperor, they predicted that the Spanish colonies,
whose fidelity under the actual dynasty was nothing less than
assured, would under another dynasty become the prey of
England or constitute themselves an independent power ; that
England would then pour therein the products of her manufac-
tures, and that this new and great outlet would secure for her a
commercial superiority absolutely crushing for the other powders
of the world. These reasonings, which seemed more like the
discharge of a conscientious duty than an argumentation from
which any advantage might be expected, were minutely gone
into. Napoleon listened to them without showing an}- impatience,
but said, that for a long time he had considered the question
under all its aspects, that Don Escoiquiz and the Dukes of San
Carlos and of Infantado had pointed out to him nothing new,
and that he persisted immovably in the sj-stem he had adopted.

Dons Infantado, Escoiquiz and San Carlos retired and reported
to the persons who had accompanied Ferdinand VH., and who
were in his confidence, the conversation they had had with
Napoleon, and added — believing that in this they were performing
an act of courage — that their opinion was that his offers must
not be declined.

Their grounds for this opinion were: the situation of the
king and of the Infante, now in the hands of Napoleon, the
number of French armies actually in Spain, the positions the)'
occupied, the inefficiency of the Spanish arm}% few in numbers
and scattered about the countr}-, and final]}', the feebleness of
King Charles IV., who was lending himself to all the wishes of
Napoleon. Don Cevallos, who was the only one of a contrary
opinion, based it upon very strong considerations, and proposed
as a sequel to the negotiation, to refuse all verbal communica-
tion and to resort to written notes, as if Napoleon were still in
Paris, King Ferdinand at Madrid, the French troops in Germany
and the Spanish troops occupying all the strong places on the

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 283

frontiers. He accused of weakness and even of cowardice, the
members of the council who expressed an opinion different from
his own ; he sustained that no arrangement must be made whose
basis was to be the cession of the crown, and he demanded that
all the members of the council having to answer for their opinion
to the Spanish Court should express it in writing.

Their courage returned when there was no longer need for
anything but resignation. Is it not remarkable that the same
men who in Spain had not known how to resist either the
Prince of the Peace, the Grand Due de Berg, or General Savary,
believed they could achieve anything by establishing at Bayonne,
in writing, the right of principles, the law of abdication, the
dangers they ran on the subject of the colonies, &c. .-'

Dons Infantado and Escoiquiz were instructed to acquaint
Napoleon with the decision taken by the princes to name a
plenipotentiary, who should be authorized to treat in writing the
points which were to be settled. Napoleon, while saying that
the resolution of the princes did not appear to him calculated to
advance affairs, complied with the request to name a plenipo-
tentiary. He told Dons Infantado and Escoiquiz that he would
give his powers to M. de Champagny, his Minister of Foreign
Affairs. He asked who was the person to whom the princes
would give their powers. The Duke of Infantado said that it
would probably be among the Spaniards in the service of the
department of Foreign Affairs that the princes would choose their
plenipotentiary, and he named as attached to that career, Dons
Cevallos, Labrador, Musquiz, Vallejo, and Macaiiaz. At the
name of M. de Labrador, he made some unkind remarks, the
very nature of which were honourable for the character and
abilities of that minister.

Dons Infantado and Escoiquiz acquainted the king's council
with the result of their new conference with Napoleon. They
proposed there and then to name a plenipotentiary, and Don
Cevallos saw in Napoleon's opinion of the Marquis of Labrador
only another motive for proposing him to the council. The king
acted upon this advice and appointed the marquis. The latter
had a conference with M. de Champagny, who demanded, as a
preliminary act, the cession of the crown of Spain. The Marquis

284 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

of Labrador declared that he had not, andtliat before God, lie hoped
he never would have, the power to cede it. They broke up the con-
ference, and while the council was discussing the question as
to whether they should, or should not, give the necessary powers
for continuing the negotiation, Napoleon sent for Don Escoi'quiz,
and told him that if before eleven o'clock in the evening, he did
not bring to him the formal renunciation of King Ferdinand to
the throne of Spain, and his request for that of Etruria, he would
treat with Charles IV., who was to arrive on the morrow. Don
Escoi'quiz reported to the council the determination of Napoleon.
Don Cevallos begged the king to refuse unreservedly the pro-
positions made to him. On the following day, Don Escofquiz
ventured to speak again of Tuscany to Napoleon who, with-
out entering into the matter, said to him, " My dear sir, it is
too late."

On the 30th at four o'clock in the evening, Charles IV. and
the queen arrived at Bayonne. Napoleon had sent one of his
chamberlains to congratulate them at Irun. In the carriage
following that of the king was the Duchess of Alcudia, daughter
of the Prince of the Peace. Orders had been given that the entrj-
of the king and queen into Bayonne should be brilliant. The
princes, their children, went to meet them and re-entered the
city with them. The Prince of the Peace, who at the repeated
request of the Grand Due de Berg had been released from Villa
Viciosa, left the private house where he was lodging, and went
to dwell with the king and queen.

The arrival of King Charles changed the aspect of affairs ; he
consented to everything. Napoleon charged Don EscoTquiz to
tell King Ferdinand that, King Charles having protested against
his abdication, the duty of the Prince of the Asturias was to return
him the crown by a renunciation pure and simple. The council
induced Ferdinand VII. to announce his submission, but to
propose to perform the act of renunciation only at Madrid.

A threatening letter from King Charles to his son, the severity
with which he had treated him in the presence of Napoleon, the
intention he had announced of having the counsellors of King
Ferdinand tried as rebels ; all these means combined produced the
effect Napoleon had hoped from them ; the prince sent his resigna-

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 2S5

tion pure and simple to King Charles, who immediately named
the Grand Due de Berg lieutenant-general of the kingdom.

This nomination put an end to the powers of the Infante
Don Antonio, who had been left at Madrid by the young king
as president of the Junta. He had been ordered to Bayonne by
a command of King Charles IV., addressed to the Grand Due de
Berg, who intimated it to him and had it executed immediately.
The Infante, at the commencement of his short administration,
had been under the unpleasant necessity of being forced by the
Grand Due de Berg to give up the Prince of the Peace into his
hands. Murat had declared to him that he would carry him off by
force if he were not delivered up to him, and he had added that
the lives of the princes who were at Bayonne should answer for
that of the Prince of the Peace. Don Antonio had believed he
ought to yield, and an aide-de-camp of the Grand Due de Berg
had been charged to escort the Prince of the Peace as far as
Bayonne where he had arrived on the 25th. On the road, he
had incurred some danger, particularly at Tolosa, where the
people, greatly excited, had, in order to detain him, unharnessed
and overturned the carriages on the bridge. The prince only
owed his safety on this occasion, to the captain of the cuirassiers
who commanded the escort.

King Charles IV. and the queen, during their journey from
Madrid to Bayonne, had been received with marks of neither
hatred nor esteem.

Murat, on the arrival of the powers which conferred upon him
the rank of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, had, as has been
seen, hastened the departure of the Infante Don Antonio for
Bayonne. The Queen of Etruria arrived there at the same time
with the Infante Don Francisco.

The renunciation pure and simple of Ferdinand VII. had
been sent to King Charles. Napoleon believed that the
moment had come to propose to the Prince of the Asturias, his
brothers, and his uncle, to make a treaty of cession of all their
rights to the crown of Spain. He agreed to give them the territory
of Navarre, and to allow them to receive. the revenues of their
commanderies and of their lands in Spain. The bases of this
treaty, the drafting of which was entrusted to Don EscoTquiz and

386 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

to General Duroc, having been settled, the princes started for
Valen^ay, where Napoleon sent them until the chateau of
Navarre should be made habitable. They stopped two days at
Bordeaux, and, on the 19th of May, they made their entry into
Valencay. I had been there several days when the princes
arrived. This moment has left on my mind an impression which
will never be effaced. The princes were young, and over them,
around them, in their clothing, in the liveries of their servants, was
seen the image of b}'gone centuries. The coach from which I saw
them alight might have been taken for a carriage of Philip V.
This air of antiquity, in recalling their grandeur, added to the
interest of their position. They were the first Bourbons that I
saw again after so man}' years of storms and disasters. It
was not they who felt embarrassed, it was I, and I [am pleased
to say it.

Napoleon had had them accompanied by Colonel Henri,
a superior officer of the gendarmerie d'elite} and one of those
police-agents who believe that military glory is acquired by
fulfilling with severity a mission of this kind. I soon perceived
that this man affected to show his suspicions and fears, which
might make the sojourn at Valencay insupportable for the
princes. I adopted with him the tone of a master, in order to
make him understand that Napoleon did not reign either in the
apartments or in the park of Valencay. This reassured the
princes, and was my first recompense. I surrounded them with
respect, attention and care ; I allowed no one to present
himself before them until after having obtained permission
from them. No one approached them except in full dress ; I
never failed myself in what I had prescribed in this respect. All
the hours of the day were distributed according to the habits of
the princes ; mass, hours of rest, promenades, prayers, &c., each
of these had its proper time. Will it be credited that at
Valen(^ay, I made the princes of Spain acquainted with a kind
of liberty they had never known when near their father's throne t
Never, at Madrid, had the two elder princes walked out to-
gether without a written permission from the king. To be alone,
to go out ten times a day in the garden, in the park, were

' A picked police force.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 2S7

pleasures new to them. They had never before been able to be
so unconstrained towards each other.

I cannot understand why hunting, horse-riding, and dancing
had been forbidden them in Spain. I had them take their first
shot with a gun ; I confided them to the care of a former
keeper of Monseigneur the Prince de Cond^, named Aubry,
who had taught the Due de Bourbon how to shoot. This old
man, full of respect and affection, mentioned persons of their
family to them, on every occasion. I had them ride horses with
Foucault who had long been attached to me ; brought up in the
chief stables of the king, he had been special attendant of
Madame Elizabeth of France ; all the examples he cited, all his
recollections, were drawn from their House. Boucher put all his
skill and all his heart into making them bad Spanish stews.
The terrace which is in front of the chateau became our ball-
room, where the princes could witness, as by chance, some
of those dances the French call rondes, and in which they might
join without knowing how to dance. Guitars, and amongst
others, that of Castro, were heard in all corners of the garden.

I had endeavoured to have them spend some hours in the
library ; in this I did not meet with great success, although the
librarian, M. Fercoc, and I, tried all the means that we could
imagine to retain them there. Having failed by books alone to
arouse their interest, we called their attention to the beauty of
the editions, and to the works which contained engravings ; we
even resorted to common pictures ; }'et, I dare not say how
useless all our efforts proved. Don Antonio, their uncle, who
feared for them the greater number of books which compose a
good library, soon imagined some reason for inducing them to
retire to their apartments ; and for this he met with less resistance
than when he wished them to leave the exercises and the amuse-
ments which form the charm of summer evenings in the country.
In addition to these distractions, which everybody about the
chateau helped me to organize, the princes had the consolations
of religion ; great misfortune always renders faith more lively
and the soul more sensitive. Each day closed with a public
prayer at which I had all visitors to the chateau, the officers
of the departmental guard and even the men of the gendar-

288 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

merie attend. Every one left these gatherings with softened
hearts ; the prisoners and their guards praying on their knees,
next each other, to the same God, appeared to regard one
another less as enemies ; the guards were no longer so fierce,
nor the prisoners so alarmed ; perhaps some displays of interest
made them even conceive a little hope. The feeling hearts
of the princes led them to ascribe to me the consolation they
experienced. I cannot remember without emotion the grief they
showed when, a letter from Napoleon, on his way from Bayonne,
directed me to go to meet him at Nantes, and leave them for a
iov^ days.

The emperor had for some time been wounded at the opinion
I had expressed as to his undertaking in Spain ; nay, more, he
had thought that the plans I had made at the time of the arrival
of the princes at Valencay, had too much their safety in
view. Thus, as soon as we met at Nantes, we had some
conversations — I might say rather some irritating discussions.
On one occasion among others, taking a bantering tone with
me, rubbing his hands, and walking up and down the room,
while looking at me with a mocking air, he said to me, " Well,
you see what all your predictions as to the difficulties I should
encounter in regulating the affairs of Spain according to my
views have amounted to ; I have, however, overcome these
people here ; they have all been caught in the nets I spread
for them, and I am master of the situation in Spain, as
in the rest of Europe." Provoked by this boasting, so little
justified in my eyes, and above all by the shameful means he
had employed to arrive at his ends, I replied to him, calml}%
.hat I did not see things under the same aspect as he, and that
i believed he had lost more than he had gained by the events at
Bayonne. " What do you mean by that .'' " he replied. " Mo7i
Dieu" I said, " it is very simple, and I will show you by an
example. If a man in the world commits follies, has mistresses,
conducts himself badly towards his wife, docs even grave wrongs
to his friends, he will doubtless be blamed ; but if he is rich,
powerful, and clever, he may still expect to be treated with in-
dulgence in society. If he cheats at gaming, he is immediately
banished from good company, which will never pardon him."

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 289

The emperor turned pale, remained confused, and spoke to me
no more on that day ; but I can say that from this moment
dated the rupture which, more or less marked, took place
between him and me. Never after did he pronounce the name
of Spain, of Valen^ay, or mine, without adding to it some
injurious epithet which his temper furnished. The princes had
not been three months at Valencay before he already believed
that he saw all the vengeances of Europe proceeding therefrom.
The persons who surrounded him have often said to me that he
spoke of Valencay with uneasiness, whenever his conversation
or questions bore upon that place.

My absence lasted only a few days ; the princes saw me
again and received me w^ith extreme kindness. A letter from
Napoleon which I found on my return merits being preserved ;
here it is literally : —

" Prince Ferdinand, in writing to me addresses me as his
cousin. Try to have the Duke of San Carlos understand that
this is ridiculous, and that he must simply call me Sire."

After Ajaccio and Saint Helena, comment is useless.

I have not added to this recital any fragments but what are
absolutely necessary to the subject, the others being found in
the different writings which are already published, or in records
which are not at my disposal.

Our uneventful life at the chateau continued some weeks
longer, and only ended when the journey to Erfurt recalled me
to Paris. On my departure all three princes came to take leave
of me in my apartment, with tears in their eyes ; they asked
what they could do to give me some mark of their friendship and
o-ratitude, for it is thus they expressed themselves. Each of
them offered me the old prayer-book which he used at church ; I
received them with respect, and with an emotion I shall never
have the temerity to express. I have dared to recall the word
gratitude of which they deigned to make use on this occasion,
because this expression is so rare with princes that it honours
those who employ it. It is in order to avoid discharging this
noble debt that ancient dynasties affect to trace their origin to
Providence : ''By the grace of God" is a formula of ingratitude.
VOL. I. U

290 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

On leaving Valengay, I returned to Paris ; I spent only a
few days there before leaving for Erfurt, where Napoleon and
the Emperor of Russia were to meet. The details of this inter-
view will form a separate chapter. The frequent conversations
I then had with Napoleon, led me to apprehend that he meditated
causing the princes of Spain to fall into a snare that his minister
of general police had laid for them by his order. The results
might be fatal to them ; I believed there was not a moment to
lose to forewarn them of it, so I had M. Mornard, my secretary,
leave immediately for Paris, and call, with the utmost speed,
on the Duke of San Carlos, who was then in that city. His zeal
and interest for the princes took him onl}^ four daj's to reach
there.

My mind, mj' heart, my memories, were filled M'ith interest
for the princes of Spain. I have still present to my mind the
effect produced upon me, at the first inter\'iew at Erfurt, when
the Emperor of Russia, among the obliging things he said
to Napoleon, announced to him that he had recognized his
brother Joseph as King of Spain.

From this moment, the existence of the princes up to the
time of their return to Spain was uneventful ; all that can be
said of them during these five years is, that they lived.

M. de la Forest came to negotiate at Valencay the treaty^
by virtue of which the return of the princes to Spain was con-
sented to by the Emperor Napoleon, who signed on February S,
1S14, at Nogent-sur-Seine, the order for their departure. It was
desired to gi\^e the appearance of a free consent to an order which
was drawn out in the hope of preventing the army of the coali-
tion from entering I'rancc by the frontier of the Pyrenees. The
respectful forms employed by M. de la Poorest in all his relations
with the Spanish princes must have been so much the more
appreciated by them, that for several years the)' had been
obliged to preserve themselves from the bad conduct and heavy
dealings of MM. de Darby, Henri, Kolli, and a host of other

^ The treaty of ValeiK^ay was signed December 11, 1S13. The intei^rity of Spain
was ]3romi'^ed. The French troo]is were to evacuate the country, the .Spanish and
English armies were not to cross the Pyrenees. Finally, Ferdinand ha'l admitted in
jinnciple the idea .f a marriage with the daughter of King Joseph. The treaty was
brought by the Duke of San Carlos before the Cortes, and Ferdinand left \'alencay
March %.

SPANISH AFFAIRS. 291

agents who had been placed near them to guard and spy upon
them. Before leaving the French territory the princes had still
to submit to an insult provoked by the Due de Feltre, who,
without having received the order from Napoleon, but in the
hope of pleasing him, had one of them stopped on the frontier
as hostage.

If ever the success of an enterprise should have appeared
infallible, it was assuredly an enterprise in which treason had
combined everything in such a manner as to leave nothing to
be done by force of arms. It must have seemed impossible that
Spain, invaded before she could possibly expect it, deprived of
her government and of a portion of her strongholds, with a
regular army mediocre in number, and more mediocre in quality,
without harmony between her provinces, and almost without the
means of establishing any, could think for a moment of offering
resistance, or of attempting to do so except for her ruin. How-
ever, those who knew Spain and the Spaniards judged otherwise,
and were not deceived. They predicted that Spanish pride would
calculate neither ultimate result nor present dangers, but would
find in indignation and despair, a vigour and resource continually
renewed.

Napoleon, in menacing England with an invasion, had forced
her to create an army of considerable strength, and thus, without
foreseeing it, had prepared help for the Peninsula. Seventeen
thousand English, and some thousand Portuguese, made the
French evacuate Portugal ; the latter re-entered momentarily, but
were unable to establish a firm footing there. The Portuguese
soon had a numerous army, brave and well-disciplined, and, with
the English, developed into the auxiliaries and the support of
the resistance which had burst forth simultaneously over all
parts of Spain, and which could be entirely suppressed only by
immense armies, which it was impossible to maintain in that
country, because it was impossible to nourish them. The title
"invincible" that the continual victories over regular armies
had attached to the name of Napoleon became contestable, and
it was from Spain that Europe learned that he could be con-
quered, and how it could be done. The resistance of the Spaniards,
in setting a precedent prepared that made later by the Russians,

U 2

292 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and led to the fall of the man who had promised himself the
domination of the world. Thus was verified what Montesquieu
had said of the projects of an universal monarchy : that they
could 7iot fail m a sijigle point %vitho7it failing everywhere.

At the first indications they had in France of the projects of
Napoleon on Spain, a few persons said : " This man is under-
taking a thing which, if it fail, will ruin him ; and if it succeed,
will ruin Europe." It has failed enough to ruin him, and perhaps
it has succeeded sufficiently to ruin Europe.

Ferdinand VII., at Valen^ay, humbled himself beyond mea-
sure, to the point of congratulating his oppressor on his victories
over the Spaniards. Hardly had he remounted the throne, than
without discriminating between his faithful subjects and those
who, carrying into the Cortes the revolutionary spirit, wished to
annihilate the royal power to substitute their own to it, Fer-
dinand VII. sentenced to exile, to irons, to death even, those who
had inflamed their countrymen for his defence, those whose
constancy had broken his irons for him, those by whose aid he
was now reigning. All the weakness he had shown in misfortune,
changed into a furious craving for absolute power. The English,
who boast of being the liberators of Spain, who ought to have
made stipulations in her favour, and who could have done it, did
not do it. They confined themselves to making representations,
the inutility of which could easily be foreseen, and the success
of which, there is reason to believe, was most indifferent to them,
for they hate tyranny abroad, only when, as under Napoleon, it
menaces their existence, and they delight, (we need not furnish
any instance of it) in turning the subjection of peoples to the
profit of their pride or of their prosperity. A more far-sighted
policy would have inspired the Cabinet which governed England
at that time with very different views.

^ Qu'ils ne pouvaient echouer sur un seul point qu'ils n'echouassent partout.

END (o¥ THE FOURTH PART.

PART V.

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW.
1808.

Napoleon holds out a bait to Russia — The prospective partition of Turkey
— Silesia to France as compensation for Wallachia and Moldavia to
Russia — Alexander incensed — Napoleon's letter to the Czar, desisting from
all pretensions to Silesia and proposing to meet him in order to arrange
the best means of carrying war into India — Reply of Alexander accept-
ing to meet Napoleon — Count Romanzoff and Turkey — Russia wants
Constantinople — The Turks must be driven back to Asia — France and
the Porte — Russia and Sweden — Conquest of Finland — Talleyrand
receives orders to accompany Napoleon to Erfurt, the emperors' meet-
ing-place — Confidence displayed by Napoleon towards Talleyrand —
A brilliant journey — Napoleon wishes to dazzle the Germans — Invites
Talleyrand to induce the kings and princes to come to Erfurt —
Napoleon and Dazincourt — Choice of plays — Cinna — The actors of the
Comedie Fran^aise ordered to repair to Erfurt — The military retinue of
Napoleon — Napoleon discloses to Talleyrand his projects for Erfurt — -
Orders Talleyrand to draw up a convention aimed against England —
Text of that convention — Napoleon objects to certain expressions —
Austria, Napoleon's enemy — Napoleon insists on inserting in the
convention a clause directed against Austria — Rebukes Talleyrand —
Vflus ctes ioujours Autrichien! — Final instructions of Napoleon to
Talleyrand — Talleyrand's arrival at Erfurt — M. de Caulaincourt and
Talleyrand — List of the crowned heads and eminent personages present
at Erfurt — Arrival of the Emperor Napoleon at Erfurt — General
enthusiasm — The attendant kings and princes humble themselves in the
presence of their victor — Arrival of the Czar Alexander — His friendly
meeting with Napoleon — The latter introduces changes into the projected
convention — Austria's fears — M. de \'incent and Talleyrand — Interview
between Napoleon and Goethe— Napoleon's judgment on Schiller's
Tliir-ty Years' IJ'ar. — The play at Erfurt — The impressions of the kings
and princes — Delight of the Czar — Private interview between Napoleon
and the latter — Uneasiness of the Austrian envoy — The Princess of
Tour and Taxis — Napoleon invites Goethe and Wieland to lunch —
Napoleon'sjudgmentastothe influence of Christianity on the development

294 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE VRAND.

of ci\'ilization — Conversation of Napoleon with Wieland — Interview
bet\\'een the Czar and Talleyrand — The latter endea\'ours to defeat the
projects of Napoleon — Induces the Czar to write to the Emperor of
Austria, in order to soothe his apprehensions — Napoleon fails to
persuade the Czar — He lets out his secret — Fete at Weimar — Napoleon's
opinion on Tacitus — Wieland's defence of the great Roman historian —
Return to Erfurt — Confidential interview between Napoleon and the
Czar — Conversation with Talleyrand — Napoleon wants to divorce —
Judgment of the Czar on Napoleon — Napoleon and the Czar before a
pitful of kings at Erfurt — Napoleon's opinion of ideologists — Christianity
the best system of philosophy — Napoleon starts for Spain — The Erfurt
convention.

In the course of the conferences preceding the treat}^ of
Tilsit, the Emperor Napoleon often spoke to the Czar Alexander
of Moldavia and Wallachia as provinces destined some day to
become Russian. Affecting to be carried away by some irre-
sistible impulse, and to obey the decrees of Providence, he spoke
of the division of European Turkey as inevitable. He then
indicated, as if inspired, the general bases of the sharing of
that empire, a portion of which was to fall to Austria, in order
to gratify her pride rather than her ambition. A shrewd mind
could easily notice the effect produced upon the mind of Alex-
ander by all those fanciful dreams. Napoleon watched him
attentively and, as soon as he noticed that the prospects held
out allured the Czar's imagination, he informed Alexander that
letters from Paris necessitated his immediate return, and gave
orders for the treaty to be drafted at once. My instructions on
the subject of that treaty were, that no allusion to a partition of
the Ottoman Empire should appear in it, nor even to the future
fate of the two provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia. These
instructions were strictly carried out. Napoleon thus left Tilsit,
having made piospcctive arrangements which could serve him
as he pleased for the accomplishment of his other designs. He
had not bound himself at all, whereas, by the prospects he had
held out, he had allured the Czar Alexander and placed him,
in relation to Turkey in a doubtful position which might enable
the cabinet of the Tuilcrics to bring forth other pretensions
untouched in the treaty.

In the month of January iSoS, at one of the receptions of
the court, Napoleon tried, for the first time, to take advantage

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 295

of that situation. He went up to M. de Tolstoi/ then Russian
ambassador, took him aside, and, in the course of a conversation,
in which he called attention to the great advantages Russia was
likely to derive from the possession of Wallachia and Moldavia,
ventured to speak incidentally of the compensations France
was to obtain, and mentioned Silesia as the province which
would suit her best. On this occasion, as on all those when he
meditated some fresh aggrandisement, he emphasised his fears
of England's ambition : that country, he said, refused to listen
to any proposal of peace, and obliged him to resort to all the
means dictated by prudence, in order to reduce the power of all
the countries with which there was some reason to believe she
was in league. For the present, he added, all prospects of a
partition of the Ottoman Empire must be abandoned, because,
to make an attempt upon Turkey, without possessing greater
naval facilities, would be to place one's most valuable possessions
at the mercy of Great Britain. M. de TolstoY whose duty it
was to listen, and who, besides, was hardly fit for any other
reported to his sovereign the hints thus given him. These were
received most unfavourably by the Emperor Alexander who,
rather sharply, said to the French ambassador : ^ " I can hardly
believe the intelligence contained in Tolstoi's despatches ; is it
intended to tear up the treaty of Tilsit .-* I do not understand
the emperor ! It cannot be that he wishes to cause me personal
trouble. On the contrary, it is indispensable that he should clear
me from responsibility in the eyes of Europe, by at once placing
Prussia in the situation agreed to in the treaty. This is really an
affair of honour with me."

This incident gave rise to certain explanations, culminating
in a letter from the Emperor Napoleon, which reached St. Peters-
burg about the end of February 1808.^ That letter contained:

^ Pierre, Count Tolstoi, born in 1769, served in the army under the command
of Souvaroff, and became general in 1805. After Friedland, he was employed in
negfotiatioES, and in 1807, he was chosen as ambassador at Paris. Napoleon a=ked
and obtained, ashort time after, his recall, which was granted. In i8l2, he commanded
the militia in Moscow, and served in the campaigns of 1813 and 1S14, Later, he
became the director of the military colonies, made the campaigns of Poland in 1S34,
became president of the department of Military Affairs in the Council of the
Empire ; he died in 1844. He was a brother of the grand-marshal Count Tolstoi.

2 General Caulaincourt, Due de Vicence.

' A letter of February 2, 1808, Correspoytdancc dc Napoleon /""., t xvi., p. 498.

296 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

1st. The implicit renunciation of all pretensions to Silesia ;
2nd. Fresh suggestions concerning the eventual division of the
agreed portion of Turkish territory ; 3rd. A plan for carrying
war into India ; 4th. A proposal, either to send a responsible
person to Paris to settle these important questions, if the Czar
could not come himself, or to appoint a suitable place where
the two sovereigns could meet.

It may be noticed that, in his letter, the Emperor Napoleon,
whilst proposing a partition of the Ottoman Empire, made no
mention of the manner in which the territories wrenched from
Turkey were to be divided. Thus, with the exception of the
difficulty relative to Silesia, which was now removed, things
remained in the same uncertain state. Nevertheless, the
Emperor Alexander experienced so much relief at being no
longer obliged to stand up in defence of the private interests of
the King of Prussia, that he received the letter with the utmost
satisfaction, and decided there and then to have an interview
with the Emperor Napoleon to whom he wrote to that effect in
reply.

This interview was sought by the Emperor of Russia onl)-
with the idea and upon the condition, that the partition of Turkey
should be settled previously, and that the only object of the
interview should be simply to come to a thorough understanding
respecting the means to be adopted in carrying out the said parti-
tion, and to make their ratification still more solemn and binding,
by mutual]}- pledging their word as man to man, that each
should conform to the clauses of that arrangement. M. de
Romanzoff-^ was instructed to open negotiations on those bases
with the French ambassador, M. de Caulaincourt.

It is most important to indicate here, in all their essentials,
the \'arious arrangements and the special intentions of the
Emperor Napoleon, and of the Czar Alexander, as also those of
Count Romanzoff as the representative of public opinion in
Russia.

^ Count Nicholas 1-lomanzoff, bom in 1750, was the son of the field-marshal of
that name. He at first entered the diplomatic service. Later, he became Minister
of Commerce, and afterwards Minister (jf Forei^J'n Affairs at the accession of Alex-
ander. He \ . as a warm advocate of the French alliance, which led to his being
oblia'ed to resign in 1S12. He afterwards lived in retirement and died in 1S26.

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE IV. 297

Count Romanzoff considered the destruction of the Ottoman

Empire as a victory for his family. He was anxious to complete

the great work begun by his father. Thus, if the point to be

debated in the conferences consisted of a mere dismemberment

it seemed to him full of difficulties; if, on the contrary, he foresaw
the possibility of a partition, nothing hindered him ; he became
exceedingly generous, and, first of all, boldly claimed Constan-
tinople and the Dardanelles for Russia. " Any division," he said,
in one of the conferences," that did not give Constantinople and
the Dardanelles to Russia would not obtain the approval of the
nation, nay, would even dissatisfy it more than the present state
of affairs, bad as it was in everybody's opinion." At any rate, he
offered everything in exchange for that advantage : fleets, armies,
and the co-operation of Russia in an expedition against India,
but he refused that co-operation in an attack against Syria and
Egypt, in case of a simple dismemberment that would leave
Constantinople to the Turks. When the French ambassador
proposed, as a compromise, to found a civilized and independent
government at Constantinople, alluding, in support of that
suggestion, to the intention previously expressed on the subject
by the Emperor Alexander ; the chancellor dismissed the
proposal by saying that his sovereign no longer entertained that
idea. Count Romanzoff wanted Constantinople ; that acquisi-
tion was to give everlasting glory to his name. With the
exception of Constantinople, he gave up the rest of the world to
France. He put forth no pretensions to India, and w^as quite
willing that the Emperor Napoleon should place the crown of
Spain on the head of one of his brothers, and annex, either to
France, or to the kingdom of Italy, whatever country he
thought fit.

The Emperor Alexander affected .scarcely to care about
possessing the two provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia ; his
ambition was confined to acquiring the banks of the Danube.
"And yet," he said, " it is merely because I see, in that arrange-
ment, the means of strengthening our alliance. Anything that
suits the Emperor Napoleon will suit me ; if I wish for new
territories, it is merely in order to promote the attachment of my
people to French policy, and justify our undertakings." When,

298 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

in the course of discussion, he brought forth higher pretensions,
he merely seemed to uphold the plans of his minister, and to
yield to some old Russian ideas ; he seemed to be more in-
fluenced by philosophical maxims than by political views. " It
is more than ever the case," he remarked one day, " of giving
to the projects we formed at Tilsit, the liberal appearance
which should always mark the acts of enlightened sovereigns.
The times we live in, more than political necessity, doom the
Turks to be driven back to Asia. It is a noble action that
of ridding those beautiful countries from Turkish ignorance and
tyranny. Humanity requires that those barbarians should no
longer remain in Europe. Civilization demands it ;" and so on.
I repeat word for word what he said.

The French ambassador, a faithful agent of Napoleon, made
use of all his influence and dexterity in getting the Russian
cabinet to indicate how far the}' carried their views, and at each
imperial meeting, he exerted himself to increase the infatuation
for Napoleon which possessed the Czar Alexander, so as to
induce the latter to ask for an interview with Napoleon, as
being the only means by which they could arrive at a mutual
understanding. When discussing with M. de Romanzoff, he
skilfully came to the point ; with the Czar he criticized the
plans of M. de Romanzoff, but never intimated those of
Napoleon ; he refused all, but did not ask anything. Like the
Emperor Alexander, he was of opinion that the requirements of
the times were indeed rather imperative, but affected to be fear-
ful of so vast an undertaking as that proposed by M. de
Romanzoff, and was ever calling attention to difficulties that
could be solved only by the sovereigns themselves. The vague-
ness of Alexander's ideas led him to confess the truth of these
statements, and the interview was fixed for September 27,
1808.

The cabinet of the Tuileries had done all in their power to
raise as many incidents as possible. Unknown to Russia, they
gave their word to the Ottoman Porte that the armistice with
Russia should be prolonged. The report of General Sebastiani,i

' Horace Sebasliani, born in 1772 near Bastia, was a lieutenant in 17S9, general
of division in 1805, ambassador at Constantinople in 1806, where he distinguished

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE VV. 299

made just after his voyage in the Levant, was communicated to
the Russian cabinet ; and the consequence of this communica-
tion was to render problematical all that had been said and
written relative to the division of Turkey, of whom the French
cabinet still spoke as the old ally of France, and for whom, on
every occasion, they displayed some sort of interest. Silesia was
no longer alluded to, but the right to delay the evacuation of
Russia was claimed as a compensation for the cession of the two
provinces.

From this it is easily seen that the Emperor Napoleon, fully
appreciating the strength of his position after the treaty of
Tilsit, was anxious to remove all pretexts for hostilities in
Europe until such time as his designs on Spain were accom-
plished. Until then, the project of a war in India, and that of a
division of the Ottoman Empire, seemed like mere phantoms
intended to occupy Russia's attention. Thus, during the time
that elapsed between the two interviews of Tilsit and Erfurt,
all the points that were discussed in Paris or in St. Petersburg
made no apparent progress. Nothing had been done. What
the Czar Alexander said to the ambassador of France five days
before his departure for Erfurt, he might have said five days
after the departure from Tilsit. " We must come to terms,
and act in concert in order to obtain mutual advantages ; I
shall ever remain true to my word, for I have always done so ;
what I have said to the emperor and what he said to me, is as
sacred and binding to me as treaties, and so on . . . ."

The words were the same. With the exception of the con-
quest of Finland ^ on the one hand, and of the invasion of Spain
on the other, the situation was unaltered on the 27th of Septem-
ber, 1808. This did not however lead to any remonstrance
worth mentioning between the respective cabinets. Thus, at

himself by his energy at the appearance of the English squadron in the Bosphorus.
He was elected a deputy under the Restoration ; was appointed Minister of
Foreign Affairs and ambassador under Louis Philippe, and Marshal of France in
1840. He died in 1851.

1 In accordance with the treaty of Tilsit, the Czar Alexander was to declare war
against Sweden if that power did not break off with Enc^land. Sweden having by a
convention dated February 8, iSoS, renewed her relations with the cabinet of London,
Alexander began the campaign by invading Finland. The treaty of Friedrichshaum,
September 5/17, 1809, put an end to the war. According to the treaty, Sweden joined
the continental system and gave up Finland to Russia.

300 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Erfurt, the two sovereigns could be looked upon as coming
direct from Tilsit.

The part I had taken in the treaty of Tilsit ; the marks of
special kindness which the Czar Alexander had shown me ; the
annoyance caused to the Emperor Napoleon by M. de Cham-
pagny, who, as His Majesty himself said, displayed his zeal every
morning in order to be forgiven his blunders of the day before ;
my intimacy with M. de Caulaincourt, whose great abilities
must, in justice, be acknowledged some day ; were the reasons
that induced the emperor to apologize for having reproached
me so violently for the disapproval I had dared to express of
his designs on Spain. He then proposed that I should follow
him to Erfurt, and personally conduct the negotiations to be
carried on there, with the exception that the treaty, likely to
result from those negotiations, should be signed by his Minister
of Foreign Affairs. I consented to this. The confidence which
he displayed in our first interview I looked upon as a sort of
apology for his treatment of me. He had all the despatches
of M. de Caulaincourt delivered to me ; I found them everything
that could be desired. In a few hours, he acquainted me with all
the negotiations that had taken place at St. Petersburg ; and my
sole object was so to check the spirit of enterprise that it should
not get the upper hand at this singular interview. Napoleon
wished the latter to be very brilliant. It was his custom to speak
continually to those about him of the one idea whichpossessed him.
I was still grand chamberlain. At every moment, he summoned
me to his presence, as well as General Duroc, grand marshal of
the palace, and M. de R^musat, who had the management of
the plays. " I wish my journey to be brilliant," he repeated to
us every day. At one of his lunches, where we were all three
present, he asked me who were the chamberlains on duty. " It
seems to me," he said, " that we have not any very aristocratic
names ; I must have some. The fact is, that the members of
the aristocracy are the only men who know how to be dignified
at court. We must do justice to the French nobility. They are
admirable in that respect."

" Sire, }'ou have M. de Montesquiou." ^

' The Comte Pierre de Montesquiou-Fezensac was bom in 1764. He was an

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 301

" Good."—

"Prince Sapieha."i

" Not bad."

" It seems to me that two will be sufficient. The journey
being short, your Majesty could always have them with you."

" Very soon, Remusat, I must have a play. Send for
Dazincourt2 — is he not the director.?"

" Yes, your Majesty."

" I wish to astonish Germany by my splendour."

Dazincourt was out. The arrangements for the play were
put off until the next day.

" Your Majesty's intention," said Duroc, " is to engage cer-
tain important personages to come to Erfurt, and time is limited."

" There is one of Eugene's ^ aides-de-camp," replied the
emperor, "who leaves to-day. You might hint to Eugene what
he must say to his father-in-law, the King of Bavaria ; and if
one of the kings come, they must all come. But no," he added,
"we must not employ him. As for that, he is not quick
enough. He knows how to do just what I wish, but he is worth
nothing for acting a part. Talleyrand would do better. More-
over," he said, laughing, " that, to criticize me, he will tell them
that they will please me in coming. It will then be for me to
show that I am perfectly indifferent, and that, if anything,
their coming has annoyed me."

officer in the cavalry in 1789. He remained in retirement during the Revolution. In
1804, he was elected deputy of the legislature. He replaced M. de Talleyrand as
High Chamberlain in 180S. He became president of the legislative body, 1810;
peer of France under the first Restoration, again High Chamberlain during the
Hundred Da}s. In 1S19, he re-entered the House of Peers. He died in 1834.

1 Prince Alexander Sapieha, descended from an old and illustrious Pulish family
which was forced to exile itself after the rever,-.es of its country, was born in .Strasburg
in 1773. Prince Alexander applied himself exclusively to study. He became
chamberlain to the Emperor and died in 1S12.

- Joseph Albouis Dazincourt, born in 1 747 at Marseilles, -was first librarian to
Marshal Richelieu. He afterwards joined the Thidtre Fran(ais, of which he became
associate in 1778. In 1808, he was elected professor of elocution at the Conservatoire,
and director of the Court plays. He died in 1809.

* Eugene de Beauhamais, son of General Vicomte de Peauhamais and of the
Empress Josephine, was bom in 17S1. He enlisted in 1796, followed Bonaparte
in Italy and Egypt, and became brigadier-general in 1S04 ; then French prince and
arch-chancellor (Lord High Chancellor), February I, 1805. In June, he was cho-en
as Viceroy of Italy. In 1S14, he retired to Bavaria where he died in 1S24, under
the title of Duke of Leuchtemberg. The Prince Eugene married Amelie, daughter
of the King of Bavaria. His eldest daughter married the prince royal of Sweden,
son of Bernadotte.

302 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

At lunch the next day the emperor had Dazincourt sent
for. The latter awaited his Majesty's orders. Napoleon had
told M. de Remusat, General Duroc, and myself to meet
Dazincourt there.

" You have heard that I am going to Erfurt ? "

" Yes, your Majesty."

" I should like the Comedie Francaise to come."

" Would it be to play comedies and tragedies .-' "

" I only want tragedies. Our comedies would be of no use.
They would not understand them across the Rhine.''

"Your Majesty would undoubtedly wish for a brilliant
play."

" Yes, our most beautiful piece."

" Sire, we could have Athalic represented."

"■AtJialie ! fie on it ! Here is a man who does not understand
me. Am I going to Erfurt to put some Joash in those Germans*
heads .'' Athalie ! How silly of }'ou ! My dear Dazincourt,
enough of this ! Tell your best tragedians that they must
prepare to go to Erfurt, and I shall give you instructions as
to the day of our departure and the pieces that shall be
played. How stupid those old people arc ! Athalie, indeed ! —
but then it is my fault ; why consult them .'' I should not
consult an)' one. Still, if he had mentioned Cinna. That
is a very interesting play, especially the scene of mercy,
which is always good. Though I knew nearly all Cinna by
heart, yet I never could declaim well. Remusat, are not the
following lines in Cinna ? —

" ' Tous ces crimes d'Etat qu'on fait pour la couronne
Le ciel nous en absout lorsquil nous la donne.'^

Cinna, Act V., Scene II.

I am not sure if I repeat the verse correctly."

" Sire, it is in Cinna, but I believe that it is — Alors qiiil nous
la donne!'

" "What are the following lines .'' Take a Corneille."

' " All those foul deeds to secure a crown,

Heaven condones them, when this it gives us.'' «.

THE ERFUR T IN TER VIE W. 303

" Sire, it is not necessary ; I remember them —

" ^Le del nous en absout, alors qu'il nous la donnej
Et dans le sac re rang oii safavcur I' a mis,
Le pass^ devient juste et Vavenir perniis.
Qui pent y parveiiir nc pcut etre coupable ;
Quoi qu'il ait fait ou fasse, il est inviolable' " 1

" That is capital, and especially for those Germans who always
stick to the same ideas, and who still speak of the death of
the Due d'Enghien. Their minds must be enlarged. I do not
say that for the Czar Alexander. Such things have no effect
upon a Russian ; but it is a good thing for men with melancholy
ideas like the Germans, and Germany is full of such. We shall,
then, have Cinna represented : that will do for the first day,
Remusat, you will look up the tragedies that can be given the
following days, and you will report to me before making any
final arrangements."

" Sire, does not your Majesty desire that a few good actors
be left in Paris } "

" Yes — substitutes. We must take all the good ones. It will
do no harm to have too many."

The order to be present at Erfurt for September 22, was sent
immediately to Saint Prix, Talma, Lafont, Damas, Despres,
Lacave, Varennes, Dazincourt, Mademoiselle Raucourt, Mme.
Talma, Mdlle. Bourgoin, Mdlle. Duchesnois, Mdlle. Gros, Mdlle.
Rose Dupuis, and Mdlle. Patrat.^

1 "Heaven condones them, when this it gives us ;
And in the sacred rank obtained from its favour,
All past deeds become legitimate and future ones permitted.
He who can reach it, cannot be held guilty ;
Whatever those deeds may be or have been, he is inviolable."

* They were i;iven before their departure the list of the pieces that were to be
played. The first, as we have already mentioned, was Cinna, then Andromaque,
Brilannicus, Zaire, MithTidate, CEdipe, Iphigenie en Aulide, Pkidre, La Mort de
Char, Les Horaces, Rodogune, Mahomet, Radamiste, Le Cld, Manlius, Bajazet. —
{^Prince Talleyrand. )

Some of these artists have become famous. The first among them was, without
doubt, Talma (1766-1826), the most celebrated of our tragic actors. It is well known
that Napoleon was very fond of him, and honoured him with his protection during
his reign. Pierre Laf m, born in 1775, entered the Theatre Frnn^ais in iSoo, and
contested with Talma for the first place. He excelled equally in tragedy and comedy.
Afterwards came St. Prix, whose real name "as Foucaiilt. He made his aelnit in 17S2,
and played successively at the Feycleau theatre, at the Odeon, and finally at the
Theatre Franjais in 1S03. Amongst the actresses, the best known of them are
Mesdemoiselles Raucourt and Duchesnois. The former made her first appearance

304 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The journey having been announced in the Moiiiteur^ every
one tried to be of the party. The emperor's two aides-de-camp
Savary and Lauriston,^ were chosen first. The mihtary retinue
was to be very brilhant. The emperor wished to be accompanied
by those lieutenants whose names had caused viost excite-
ment in Germany. First, Marshal Soult, Marshal Davoust^
Marshal Lannes, the Prince de Neufchatel, Marshal Mortier,
Marshal Oudinot, General Suchet, General Boyer, General Nan-
souty,^ General Claparede,* General St. Laurent,^ M. Fain ® and
M. de Meneval.'^ These two last, private secretaries of the
emperor, received, as did M. Daru,^ M. de Champagny, and

on the stage in 1772, and met with the most brilliant success : she was long imprisoned
under the Terror. She died in 1815, and her funeral gave rise to riotous scenes in
Saint-Roch's church. Mademoiselle Duchesnois entered the Theatre Franjais in
1S02, and soon rose to the foremost rank as a tragedian.

^ The official gazette.

" Jacques Bernard Law, Marquis de Lauriston, was born at Pondichery, in 1758.
He was the grandson of the famous financier of the Regency. He enlisted in the
artillery in 1793, became colonel in 1795, and aide-de-camp to Bonaparte, brigadier-
general in iSoo. He was, at different times, charged with diplomatic missions. In
181 1, he was named ambassador at St. Petersburg. He remained in retirement during
the Hundred Days, was peer under the Restoration, then minister of the king's house-
hold, marshal in 1823, grand master of the hunt, and minister of state. Pie died in
1S28.

s Etiene Champion, comte de Nansouty, born in 176S of a humble family of
Burgundj', was in 17S9 captain in the Lauzun Hussars. He served in all the
campaigns of the Revolution and of the Empire, became general of division in
1803, and had (on several occasions) important commands in the cavalry. In
1S04, he was appointed first chamberlain to the empress ; then first equerry to
the emperor (1808). He died in 1815. He had married Vergennes' niece.

* Tlie comte Claparede, born in 1774, served in the army of the Republic, and
was chief of battalion in 1798. Brigadier-general in 1804, he took part in all ihe
wars of his time ; he distinguished himself in 1S09. He was appointed, under the
Restoration, general-inspector of infantry and peer of France. He died in 1841.

* Louis St. Laurent, bom in 1763, was officer of artillery in 1789, Ijecame
general of division in 1807, baron of the Empire in iSio. He left the army in
that same year and died in 1S32.

^ Francois Fain, born in 177S, entered the administration in 1794, and for
twelve years was engaged in sundry employments in the offices of the conventional
committees, then in those of the P'irectory and of the State Secretary. In 1S05, he
became private secretary of the emperor. He became baron of the Empire and
matlre des y-ojuctcs m 1S09. He followed Napoleon in all his campaigns. He lived
in retirement under the Restoration. In 1830, he was appointed private secretary
of the king, administrator of the civil list and councillor of State. In 1S34, he was
elected to tlie Chamber of Deputies. He died in 1837.

' Francois de Meneval, born in 1 778, was at first secretary to Joseph Bonaparte
in 1802. He entered Napoleon's service as secretary, an office which he retained
until 1S15. In 1S12, he became baron of the Empire and ninilre dcs rcqut-ies.
He has left historical memoirs on Napoleon and Marie Louise (three octavo
volumes).

* The Comte Daru, born in 1767, was lieutenant in the artillery; afterwards
commissariat-officer. Arrested in 1793 he remained in prison until Thermidor 9.
In 1796, he became commissaire-ordonnatcur, then after, Prumaire 18, inspector of

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 305

M. Maret, orders to repair to Erfurt. General Duroc appointed
M. de Canouville to make arrans^ements for the lodo-in^-s.
" Bring Beausset,^ also," said the emperor. " We really must
have some one to introduce our actresses to the Grand Duke
Constantin.^ He can also, at dinner, discharge his duties of
prefct of the palace, besides he bears a great name." Each
day some one left for Erfurt. The route was covered with
waggons and saddle- and coach-horses, and some of the
emperor's livery servants.

The month of September was drawing to a close. I had
read over all the correspondence, but the emperor had not 5'et
had with me the principal conversation on those affairs that were
to be treated. A few days before that fixed for my departure,
the grand marshal informed me that the emperor desired him to
tell me to present myself at the grand reception that evening.
I was scarcely in the drawing-room than he led me to his study.
" Well," he said, " so you have read all the Russian correspond-
ence } What do you think of my move with the Czar
Alexander ? " and then he recalled in an amusing retrospect all
he had done and written for the past year. He concluded by
pointing to me the influence he had gained over the Czar,
whereas, as far as he was concerned, he had executed only
what suited him of the treaty of Tilsit. "Now,"' said he, "I
shall go to Erfurt. I wish, in returning, to be free to do what I
v/ish in Spain. I wish to be assured that Austria will be afraid
and hold back, and I do not desire to be engaged in too precise
a manner with Russia concerning the affairs in the East. Pre-
pare me a convention which will satisfy the Czar Alexander,
and be directed especially against England, and in which I shall

reviews. In iSco he was chosen as general secretary to the minister of war, and
entered the Tribunate in 1802. In 1805, he became intendant-general of the
emperor's honseh<.ld and councillor of state; intendnnl-general of the grand army,
1806 ; minisLer at Berlin in 1S07 ; minister and Secretary of State in iSi i. He lived
in retirement under the Restoration, and died in 1S29.

^ Louis de Beausset, nephew of the cardinal of that name and born in 1 770,
became in 1805, Pi-Ljct of the Imperial palace, and retained that appoiniiiient until
i3i5. He followed then the Empress Marie Louise to Vienna, and was for .i time
grand master of her household. He has left memoirs on the Empire.

2 The Grand Duke Constantin (1779-1834), was the youngest brother of the Czar
Alexander. He devoted all his life to military affairs, but never obtained any
important 'command. In 1S45, he was appointed generalissimo in the army of the
new kingdom of Poland and retained that post until his death.

VOL, I. ^

3o6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

be perfectly free for the rest. I shall help you, and the prestige
shall not be lacking.'' I was two days without seeing him. In
his impatience he had written what he wished the articles to
contain and sent the note to me, requesting that I should bring
them to him drawn up, as soon as possible. I did not make
him wait, and a few hours later I went to him with the projected
treaty drawn up as he had indicated.
It ran as follows : — ■

" His Majesty the Emperor of the French, &c., and his
Majesty the Czar of all the Russias, &c., wishing to render
more and more binding and durable, the alliance which unites
them, and reserving to themselves to endeavour to come to an
agreement, as soon as possible, on the new means and
methods of directing an attack upon England, the common
enemy of themselves and of the Continent, have resolved to
set down in a special convention the pri7iciplcs they have
determined to follow — [Here the Emperor interrupted me and
said, ''Principles is good, it is not binding"] and which will
direct them in all their steps towards the restoration of peace.
They have therefore, to that effect, named for their pleni-
potentiaries, &c who have agreed to the following

articles : — •

"Alt. I. — His Majesty the Emperor of the French and his
Majesty the Czar of Russia confirm, and in case of need, will
renew the alliance agreed upon between them at Tilsit, not only
binding themselves to make no treaties of peace with the
common enem}% but also not to enter into any negotiations
with her — nor to listen to any propositions but by common
consent.

"Art. H. — Resolved to remain closely united in peace and
in war, the high contracting parties agree to appoint pleni-
potentiaries to treat for peace with England, and to send them
into such continental town as England may indicate.

"Art III. — In the course of the negotiation, if it should take
place, the respecti\'e plenipotentiaries of the two high con-
tracting parties will act in\'ariably in the most perfect accord, and
it will not be permitted to either of them to accept, or approve,
against the ad\ice of the other, any proposition or demand of
the English plenipotentiaiy.

"Art. IV. — 1 he two high contracting parties agree not to
rccei\'e on the part of the enemy, during the whole of the
negotiations, any proposition, offer or communication whatever

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE IV. 307

without letting it at once be known to the respective pleni-
potentiaries.

" Art. V. — It will be proposed to England to treat all ques-
tions pending, on the basis of the at/ /ossidciis, including Spain ;
and the condition shit^ qjta non which the high contracting parties
agree never to depart from, will be that England recognize on
the one hand, the union of Wallachia and Moldavia, and of
Finland with the Russian Empire, and, on the other, Joseph
Napoleon Bonaparte as King of Spain and the Indies.

"Art. VI. — The Ottoman Porte having experienced since the
treaty of Tilsit many changes and revolutions which seem not to
leave to it any possibility to give, and does not, consequently, leave
an}' hope of obtaining from it, sufficient guarantees for the
respect of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of Wallachia
and Moldavia, his Majesty the Czar of Rus^-.ct, v/ho, since the
said treat}', has contracted towards them special engagements,
and who, as a consequence of the said revolutions, has been
involved in enormous expenses to protect those provinces, being
for those motives resolved not to relinquish them, the more so
as their possession can alone give his empire its natural and
necessary boundary, his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon ivill
not oppose, as far as he is concerned, their being annexed to the
Russian Empire. And His said Majesty foregoes the mediation
offered b}- him, and accepted by Russia in the treaty of Tilsit."

(" I will not have this article, it is too positive." " Never-
theless, Sire, nc sopposera point, is certainly one of the expressions
which bind the least ; besides, the following article is a great
corrective.")

"Art. VII. — Nevertheless his Majesty the Emperor of all the
Russias will limit himself, for the present, to continue, as in the
past, to occup}^ Wallachia and Moldavia, leaving everything on
the same footing as it is to-day, and will propose to open
either in Constantinople, or in an island of the Danube, and
under the mediation of France, negotiations, in view of obtain-
ing peacefully the cession of those two provinces. Those
negotiations, however, will be opened onl}' when the negotiations
with England shall have had an issue, in order not to give rise to
new discussions which may dela}^ the peace."

("That article is good; with my mediation, I remain the
master, and the preceding article will perplex Austria, my true
enemy." " Your enem}'. Sire, at present, perhaps, but at heart

X 2

3o8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

her policy is not in opposition to that of France ; she is not
aggressive, but conservative." " My dear Talleyrand, I know
that this is your opinion ; we will speak of that when the
Spanish business is over.")

"Art. VIII. — His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon will act
conjointly with his Majesty the Czar of Russia, in order to obtain
from the Ottoman Porte an amicable cession. All the notes of, and
all the steps taken by, the two allied courts, in order to reach this
end, will be made in conjunction and in the same spirit.

"Art. IX. — In case a refusal from the Ottoman Porte led
to a renewal of the hostilities and to the continuation of the
war, the I-lmperor Napoleon would take no part in it, and will con-
fine himself to help Russia by his good offices. But if it should
happen that Austria or any other power made common cause
with the Ottoman Porte in the said war, his Majesty the Emperor
Napoleon will at once make common cause with Russia, being
obliged to regard this case as being that of the general alliance
which binds the two empires."

("That article is insufficient; it does not quite convey my
idea. Nevertheless, proceed, I will tell you what you must
add to it")

" Art. X. — The high contracting parties agree besides, to
maintain the integrity of the other possessions of the Ottoman
Empire, not wishing to decide, or to undertake of themselves,
anything with regard to them, nor to suffer that anything be
undertaken by whomsoever without their having previously
agreed upon it.

"Art. XI. — In the negotiations with England, his Majesty the
Emperor Napoleon will support Russia's claim to obtain the
recognition of VVallachia and Moldavia as provinces of the
Russian Empire, whether the Ottoman Porte has consented to it
or not.

"Art. XII. — In return for the relinquishment made by the
Emperor Napoleon in the above article, his Majesty the Czar
Alexander desists from the eventual engagement taken towards
him by the fifth of the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit, and
the said article remains null and void —

" That is about all I have said to you ; leave me this draft,
I will arrange it. We must add to one of the last articles, to
that one where I stopped you, that, in case Austria gave any

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 309

uneasiness to France, the Czar of Russia, on the first demand
which would be made to him, pledges himself to declare against
Austria, and to make common cause with France, this case
being equally one of those to which the alliance which binds
the two powers applies. — This is the essential article. How
could you have left it out ? You are still an Austrian ! " —
" Somewhat, Sire. Yet I think it would be more exact to say
that I am never a Russian, but always a Frenchman.''

" Make your arrangements to leave : you must be at Erfurt
a day or two before me. During the time of our stay there,
you try to see the Czar as often as possible. You know him
well, you will speak to him in that language that suits him. You
will tell him that in the benefit our alliance may prove to
mankind, one recognizes one of the great purposes of Providence.
Together we are destined to restore general order in Europe.
We are both young, we need not hurry. You will insist greatly
upon that — for Count Romanzoff is sanguine about the Eastern
question. You will say that nothing can be done without public
opinion, and that it is necessary that, without being scared
by our combined power, Europe should see with pleasure the
achievement of the great undertaking we contemplate. The
security of the neighbouring powers, the respect of the legiti-
mate interest of the Continent, seven millions of Greeks restored
to independence. All this constitutes a fine field for philan-
thropy. I will give you carte blanche for that. I wish only that it
be distant philanthropy. Good-bye."

I returned home, I put my papers in order, I carried
away all that I thought I should require and I got into my
carriage. I arrived at Erfurt, Saturday, September 24th, at ten
o'clock in the morning. M. de Canouville lodged me in a
house very near that which the emperor was to occupy. A few
minutes after my arrival, M. de Caulaincourt came to see me.
The first day I spent with him proved very useful to me. We
spoke of St. Petersburg, and of the disposition in which the two
sovereigns had come to the interview. We told each other
what we knew, and soon agreed upon all points.

I found all Erfurt in excitement, there was not a respect-
able house that did not provide accommodation for a sovereign

3IO THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

and his retinue. The Emperor of Russia arrived there with the
Grand Duke Constantin, Count Romanzoff, Count Tolstoi, grand
marshal, General Tolstoi, ambassador to France, Prince Wol-
konski, Count Oszarowski,^ Prince Troubetzkoi, Count Ouwaroff,'^
Count Schouwaloff," Prince Gagarin, M. Spcranski, M. Labenski,
Herr Bethmann, General Hitroff, State Councillors Gervais and
Creidemann, Herr von Schroder, Prince Leopold of Saxe-
Coburg.* I think that I have mentioned there almost all those
who had the honour to accompany the Czar Alexander. He
was expected a day later than the Emperor Napoleon, having
to stop twenty-four hours at Weimar.

A chamberlain of the King of Saxony has just told me
that his master would sleep at Erfurt on the 25th, and that
he was followed by Count von Bose,^ cabinet minister, Count
Marcolini," master of the horse, Baron von Funck," Baron von
Gutschmidt, Major Thielemann, Chamberlain von Gablenz,
Herr von Marxhansky and by Herr von Schonberg. M. de
Bourgoing,^ minister of France at Dresden, also had permission
to follow the king.

1 Count Adam of Alkcantara Oszarowski, descended from an old Polish family
allied 10 Riis-ia. He wa-; the Czar Alexander's aide-de-camp.

- Count Theodore Ouvvaroff, commander-in-chief of the imperial guard and fii'st
aide de-camp geneial to the Czar. lie had been one of the conspirators who assas-
sinated ihe Czar Paul.

^ General Count Schouwaloff (1775-1S23), aide-dc-camji to the emperor. He
held imporlant commands in all the wars of that lime. In 1S14, he was one of the
commi Moneys charged to accompany Napoleon to P'rejus.

■* I'lince Leopold of ,Saxe-Coburg .Saafeh"!, born in 1 790, son of Francis, Duke
of SaxL-Lobuig, and of Caioline, Couniess of Keus'-, enieicd the Russian army quite
young; witli ihe {.unde of general. In iSlo, he was obliged to leave the Russian service
to obey the iniimciions of Napoleon, le-eniered the ranks in 1813, served in the
ca ijiaigns of Gl rmany and Fiance, and entered Paris with the allied sovereigns in
1814 and in 1S15. In the following year, he married ihe Princess Charlotte, the
grand-daughter of King George III. and heiress to the Crown. Leopold was
naturalized English, but the pnncesb died in the following year. In 1S30, he was
e'ected King of the Belgians. 'I'wo years later, he married the Piincess Louise
d'C)rle3ns, ihe elicit daughter of King Louis-Phili]ipe. He died in 1S65.

° Fiedericlc William, Count von Buse (1753-1S09) was minisier of ."-iaxony at Stock-
holm, then maishal of the court at Dresden, and gianu chambcilain. In 1S06, he
signetl peace wiili Napoleon and became Minisier ot Foreign AfTaiis.

'' Count Maicolini (1739-1S14) was grand chamberlain and master of the horse
to the King of Saxony. He became minisier of stale in 1S09. He was devoted to
the French alliance, to which he remained fai;hfnl until his death.

' Baron von Funck, a Saxon general (1761-1828), took an active jiart in the war
of iSoC. In 1S12, he served in our ranks in the campaign of R, ssia, at the head of
the Saxon cavalry. In I Si 3, he was employed on various diplomatic missions, and
was niinisier at London in iSiS.

" Jcan-I'~rancois, Baron de Bourgoing, born in i74Sat Nevcrs, was at first an officer

THE ERFURT INTER VIE IV. 311

It may be interesting to know now the names of the im-
portant personages who, from time to time, arrived at Erfurt.'^
The Duke of Saxe-Gotha,- accompanied by Baron von Thiimmel,
Herr von Studnitz, Herr von Zigesar, Barons Hcrda and Wan-
genheim, and by Herr von Hoff;^ the Duke of Saxe-VVcimar
with the hereditary prince,* Baron von Egloffstein,^ Baron Ein-
sicdel, Herr Goethe, and Herr Wieland," both of whom were
intimate counsellors of Weimar; the Duke of Oldenburg,'^ with
Baron von Hammerstein," and Baron von Gall ; the Duke of
iMecklenburg-Schwerin,^ the hereditary prince of iMecklcnburg-
Strelitz,^° the Prince of Dessau,^^ the princes von Waldeck, Hessc-
riomburg, Reuss-Greitz, Reuss-Ebersdorff, Reuss-Lobenstein,^^

and then secretary of embassy. In 17S7, he became minister of France at Hamburg,
then at Madrid (1791), and was, in 1795, charged to negotiaic ihc jieace at Da'-el.
Minister at Copenhagen, then at Stockholm under the Consulate, he became, later on,
minister to Saxony, and died in iSll.

^ In the long enumeration that is about to follow, a. great number of jiersonages
who have left no trace in hi-tory, and on who n we have not been able to procure
any information, are mentioned. We liave furnished particulars only of (ho most
important among I hem. As for the sovereign ]3rinces, \\ e noticed only those who,
by their fame or by their family alliances, deserved special mention.

^ Augustus, Duke of Saxe-Gotha and AUenburg (1772-1S22), member of the Con-
federation of the Rhine (December 15, 1S06).

^ Karl von Moff ( 1771-1831). Secrelar;,' of cmba^^y in the service of Ihe Duke
of Saxc-Goiha, and aficrwards Aulic Councillor and state minister. He has left
numerous books on politics and history.

* Karl Augustus of Saxe-Wcimar (1757-1S2S), member of the Confederation of
the Rhin-; (December 15, 1S06). His soi, Prince Charles-Frederick, married the
Princess Marie, daughter of the Czar Paul.

^ Augustus, Earon von EglofTstein (1771-1S34). Officer in the service of Prussia,
then of the Dukj of Saxe-Wcimar. In 1S07, he became general of brigade and com-
mander of the Saxon troops in the service of France, in Austria, Spain, and Russia,
and during the siege of Danzig (1814).

" Christopher-Martin Wieland, born in 1733, became in 1792 the preceptor of the
Princes of Weimar, then intimate counsellor. Mc \vas a member of the academy of
that to«n, which then included ihe most tlistinguished men and the most illustrious
savants in Germany. He has left many works, including poems, novels, comedies, iS:c.
He died in 1S13.

' Peter Frederick, Prince of Lubeck, regf-nt nf the duchy of Oldenburg, in the
name of his cnu;in. His son, ben- presumptive to the duchy, married the Grand-
duchess Catherine, daughter of the Czar Paul.

^ Ilans Dctlef, baron of Hnmmerstein ( i76S-iS2fj), mini'-ter of the Duke of
OldenburL'. Later be went to Hanover, and liecame member of the private council
of war, and iileni])otentiary to the Diet of I'rankfort.

" Freflerick Francoi-, Duke of Mecklcnburg-Schwerin, born in 1756. His son
married the Grand-duchess Helena, daughter of the Czar Paul. Py a sul'sequent
marriage he had a daughter, the Princess Helena, who married the Due d'Orleans.

^" George Frerlcrick-, born in 1779, succeeded his father 1S16. He was brother to
Louise, Queen of Prussia.

1' Leopold, Prince von Anhalt-Dessau (1740- 1817) one of the most faithful allies of
France, member of the Confederation of Ihc Rhine.

'- The house of Reuss was divided into four reigning branches, the Greitz, Ebers-

312 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

the Duchess of Saxe-Hildburghausen/ the Prince of Schwarz-
burg-RudoIstadt," with Herr von Kettelhutt, Herr von Weisse
and Herr von Gleichen ; the Prince and Princess of Tour and
Taxis" with Herr von Leikam ; the Prince of Hesse-Rothenburg,
the Prince of Hohcnzollern-Sigmaringen/ with the Prince of
Reuss-Schleiz and Major von Falkenstein ; the Duke WiUiam
of Bavaria, the prince-primate^ (Furst von Dalberg), to whom
each inhabitant of the town readily offered lodging accommo-
dation ; he had been governor of that town and was beloved
by all : the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen,*' with the
hereditary prince ; Herr von Hovel, Herr von Bauer ; the he-
reditary Prince of Baden, with the Princess Stephanie Napoleon ;'^
Frau von Venningen and Mile, de BourjoUy ; Baron von Dalberg,
minister of Baden at Paris,^ the Prince of Rcuss XLI., the
hereditary Prince of Darmstadt,^ Count von Keller,i° Prince

dorff, Lobenstein, and Schleiz. All these princes had joined the Confederation of the
Rhine (April 1807).

1 Member of the Confederation of the Rhine (DcueniV)er 15, 1S06).

^ ^leniber of the Confederation of the Rhine (April 1S07).

' Charles Alexander, I'rince of Tuur and Taxis, Lorn in 1770, Privy Councillor of
the Austrian Empire. He was grand-master of the Imperial post offices, a post
which was held in his family since 1695. He married in 1773, the Princess Theresa,
dauL;hter of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

* Antoine, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, born in 1762, member of Ihe Con-
federation of the Rhine (July 12, 1S06). The princes of the different branches of
the house of Hohenzoll;rn, having abdicated in favour of the braKch of the house of
Hohenzollern-Brandenhurg, which occupied the throne of Prussia, the King of
Prussia assumed the sovereignty of these principalities.

* Charles, Prince of Dalberg, born in 1744, took holy orders and became, in 1772,
intimate counsellor of the Elector of Mayence, then governor of Erfurt, coadjutor
of the Archbishop of Mayence, to whom he succeeded in 1S02. He was afterwards
named Archchancellor of the empire. In 1S06, he had to resign this dignity ; was in
compensation named by Napoleon, jjrince-primate of the Confederation of the Rhine,
prince-sovereign of Raiisbonne, Grantl Duke of Fuldc and of Hanau. Hedicd in 1S17.

'' Iilember of the Confederation of the Rhine (July 12, i!:o6).

' Charles Louis Frederick, hereditary prince of Laden, iiiarried Stephanie Tascher
de la I'ageiie, cousin of the Empress Josephine, .nn adopted daughter of Napoleon.
Ide became Grand Duke in iSii and died 181S. He was member of the Confedera-
tion of the Rhine.

"" Emeric-Joscph, Fiaron von Dalberg, born in 1773, entered the diplomacy in
the service of the prince primate, his uncle. In 1S03 lie became miniatcr of Eaden
at Paris. From that time dates his connection wiih M. de T.iHcyrand. In iSog, he
became Minister of Foreign Affairs of Laden, but did not relinquish his situation in
Paris. The same year, he was naturalized French, was created Duke by Napoleon
and councillor of state with an cndov/ment of four millifms. In iSiij, he became
member of the prov sory governmen', afterwards peer of France and state minister
in 1S15. He died in the )ear I017.

" lie was the son of Prince L mis, who took the title of grand duke on joining
the Confederation of the Rhine (July 12, 1S06). He succeeded his father in 1S30,
and abdicated in 1S40.

'" Louis Christopher, Count von Keller {1757-1S27), was (irst chamberlain and

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE IV. 313

Dolgorouki,* Count von Lerchenfeld, Prince von Leyen,- Prince
William of Prussia,'' Count von Goltz, Minister of Foreisrn Affairs :
M. Le Cocq, M. de Dechen, Jerome Napoleon, King of West^^halia,
with the queen, who was born Princess of Wurtemberg ; Prince
of Hesse-Philippsthal,'* Count and Countess von Bucholz, Counts
von Truchsess and Wintzingerode, the King of Bavaria,^ Baron
von Montgelas,^ Counts von Wurtemberg and von Reuss, the
King of Wurtemberg^ the Prince of Mohenlohe, the Duchess of
Wurtemberg, Count von Taube, Baron von Gorlitz, Baron von
Moltke, Count von Salm Dyck.^ I surely must forget some
people, and apologize for so doing.

Already the emperor's pages had arrived and were walking
about the town in full dress. The military duties were
performed by a battalion of grenadiers of the imperial guard ;
a detachment of picked gendarmes ; the 6th regiment of
cuirassiers ; the 1st regiment of hussars ; and the 17th regiment
of light infantry.

counsellor of the Embassy of Frederick II., minister of Prussia at Stockholm (1779)
at St. Petersburg, and at Vienna. In iSii, he became minister of ihe Grand Duchy
of Frankfort at Paris.

^ There were then several princes of the Dolgorouki family. He who attended
the meeting at Erfurt is doubtless Prince George, Prussian general and diplomat, who
commanded in Finland (1795), and at Corfou (1S04), was ambassador at Vienna
and to Holland ; or his cousin, Prince Michel, aide-de-camp of the emperor, and
Major-general, who was killed a short time later in Finland.

- Member of the Confederation of the Rhine.

^ Prince William of Prussia was the fourth son of Frederick II. Me was general
in the Prussian Army, and took an active part in the wars of 1S06, 1813 and 1S14.
In 183 1, he was governor of the Rhine provinces.

* Francis of idesse-Philippsthal, died in iSio. He was the brother of Louis of
Hesse-Philippsthal, general in the service of the King of the two Sicilies, who
sustained the memorable siege of Gaela, in 1S06.

5 Maximilian-Joseph (1756-1825) Duke of Pavaria in I799.'king December 26,
1805. He was a member of the Confederation of the Rhine. His daughter married
Prince Eugene de Beauharnai';, Napoleon's adopted son.

<= Ma.xi'uiilian-Garnerin, Baron von Montgelas {1759-1S3S), Aulic Counsellor of
Bavaria, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1799). He was a sincere ally to France ; he
knew how to profit by it in obtaining great advantages for his country. He retired
in 1S14.

'' Frederick (1754-1S16), Duke of Wiirtemberg in 1797, elector_ in 1S03, king
1S05, member of the Confederation of the Rhine in 1S06. He married an English
princess. One of his daughters. Princess Frederique Sophie Dorothee, mariied the
King Icrome Napoleon.

* Joseph Count von Salm-Reiferscheid-Dyck, younger branch of the house of
Salm. His estates, which were situated nearCologne, were united wi;h Franceiii iSoi,
then wiih Prussia in 1S14. He received in e>:chan 'e apensionof 28,000 florin^; and the
tiile of prince (1816). At first, he married Maria-Theresa, Countess von Hatzfeld,
and afterwards, Constance Marie de Theis, daughter of a forests-superintendent of
Nantes. The latter is renowned on account of her literary works.

314 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The emperor entered Erfurt, September 27, lSo3, at ten
A.M. An imm.ense crowd surrounded the avenues leading to the
palace. Every one wished to sec and would approach him who
dispensed all : thrones, misery, fears, and hopes. Augustus,
Louis XIV. and Napoleon are the men on whom most praises
have been bestowed. Times and talent gave different forms
to these praises ; but they were, in reality, the same thing. My
duties as grand chamberlain enabled me to see the forced, simu-
lated, or even sincere homage which was rendered to Napoleon,
more than I could have done otherwise, and gave it proportions
which appeared to me monstrous. Never did baseness display
so much genius : it suggested the idea of having a hunt on the
very ground v/here the emperor had gained the famous battle
of Jena. A slaughter of wild boars and beasts was there to
remind the victor of the success of this battle. I have often
remarked that the more resentment people were justified in
feeling against the emperor the more they smiled at his good
fortune, which, they said, was Heaven's will.

I am inclined to believe that flattery possesses secrets with
which princes alone, — not those who have lost their thrones, but
those who subjected their crowns to some ever-threatening
protectorate, — are acquainted ; they know skilfully how to make
use of them, when placed in the presence of the power which
rules over and could overthrow them. I have heard the following
line, of I know not what wretched tragic play, quoted :

" Tu nas su qicobeir^ iic serais ii7i tyran." '

I have not met with a single prince at Erfurt to whom I
should not have been more justified in saying :

" Til n'as su que rcgner j tu serais un esclave." ^

It is easy to understand this. Mighty sovereigns wish their
courts to convey the idea of the importance of their power. On
the contrary, petty princes wish theirs to disguise the narrow
limits of their rule. Everything magnifies, or rather swells,
about a petty sovereign : etiquette, regard, and flattery ; the
latter is the standard of his greatness ; he never thinks it

' " You would be a tyrant, seeing llmt yon have only known liow to o''icy."
' " You would be a slave, seeing that you have only known how to reign."

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 315

exaggerated. This way of judging things becomes quite natural
to him, and is not altered by the vicissitudes of fortune. Thus,
if victory brings into his dominions, into his very palace, a man
before whom he can himself be but a courtier, he will stoop, in
the presence of his victor, as low as he wished his own subjects
to do before himself. He cannot conceive any other form of
flattery. At powerful courts, they know another means of raising
themselves : it is to bow ; petty princes only know how to crawl,
and remain crawling until fortune comes to raise them. I did
not see at Erfurt a single hand nobly stroking the lion's mane.

After these scathing remarks, illustrations of which I refrain
from giving, I am happy to resume my subject. On September
28, news came of the arrival of the Emperor Alexander, who
had been spending the night at Weimar. Napoleon, followed
by his aide-de-camp and by his generals in full dress, rode up to
meet him. When within sight of each other, the two sovereigns
rushed to each other's arms in the most friendly fashion, after
which Napoleon led the Emperor Alexander to the residence
prepared for him, and having carefully ascertained that the Czar
was provided with everything he needed, took leave of him.

I was in the Emperor Napoleon's palace, awaiting his return.
He seemed very pleased with the first impressions of his
journey, and he told me that he augured well of it, but that
nothing should be hurried. " We are so glad to see each other
again," he said, laughing ; "that we must be allowed to enjoy
that feeling a little." He had scarcely finished dressing when
the Czar arrived, and I was introduced to him. " He is an old
acquaintance," said the Emperor of Russia ; " I am delighted to
see him again. I hoped he would be of our party." I wanted
to retire ; but, as Napoleon wished to avoid conversing on any
serious subject, and was only too glad that I should be there,
he desired me to stay. The two sovereigns conversed with
the most lively interest on insignificant family matters. The
Empress Elizabeth was the first topic of conversation.^ Then
it turned on the Empress Josephine, and then on the Grand

* Louise Elizabeth, daughter of Charles-Louis, hereditary prince of Baden and of
Amelia of Ilesse-Darmstadt, born in 1779. Married in 1793, to Alexander, future
Czar of Russia.

3i6 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

Duchess Anne,^ and the Princess Borghese,^ &c. Had the time
of a first visit permitted, there probably would have been a
word about the health of Cardinal Fesch. The two sovereigns,
feeling quite comfortable as to the state in which they had left
their respective families, separated. Napoleon showed the Czar
to the stairs, and I the Emperor of Russia to his carriage.
While walking together, the latter said to me several times :
'■'■Nous nous vcrroiisl' ^ and that, with an expression that proved
that M. de Caulaincourt, who had met him on his arrival, had
told him that I knew what was going to happen. I then went
up to the emperor, who said to me : " I have modified the draft
of the treaty ; I am taking more precautions against Austria ; I
will show it you." — He did not enter into any more particulars. —
" The Czar seems to me disposed to do anything I wish. If he
speaks to you on the subject, tell him that I at first intended
the negotiation to be made between Count Romanzoff and
yourself, but that I hax-e changed my mind, and that my con-
fidence in him is such that I think it better for everything to
pass between ourselves. When the convention is settled, the
ministers will sign it. Remember, though, in everything you
say, that any delay will be useful to me. The language of
all the kings about to meet here will be submissive ; they fear
me. Before discussing the real object of this meeting, I wish
the Emperor of Russia to be dazzled b)- the sight of u\y power.
For there is no negotiation that it could fail to render easier.''

On returning home, 1 found a note from the Princess of
Tour and Taxis, informing me of her arrival. I immediately
went to her. It afforded me much pleasure to see her again,
she was such an excellent lady. She told me she had come to
Erfurt to ask the Czar to use, in her favour, his influence over

^ Anne, daughter of the Czar Paul and of Sophia Dorothy, Princc>s of Wurtemherg,
horn in 1795, rnanie'l, in 1S16, to William Prince of Orange, who in I S40 became
King of the Nelhcrlands.

" Warie-Pauhne I'onaparte, secnnd sister of the emperor, born at Ajaccio in
17S0; she married in iSol, General Leclerc, whodied at San-Domingo in 1S02. In
1S03, bhe married the Prince Borghese, the head of one of the most illustrious families
of the Roman nohility. The Princess Paulme's brother had created her Duchess of
Guatalla in i3o''>, but this country was shortly after incorporated with the kingdom
of Italy. In 1S14, she accompanied the emperor to the Island of Elba, and, in the
following year, went ti> Rorae, where she died in 1S25.

a " We \viii ^;(>e each other."

THE ERFURT INTER VIE W. 317

the German Princes, with whom her husband, grand master of
the German Posts and relays, vainly tried to make arrangements
for some years. I was not with her a quarter of an hour, when
the Czar was announced ; he was most amiable and communi-
cative, and asked the princess to give him some tea, telling her
that she ought to give us some every evening after the play ;
for it would be the best way to chat at one's ease and finish the
day pleasantly. It was agreed upon, and nothing of interest
was discussed that eveninsf.

This interview at Erfurt, without Austria being invited or
even officially informed, had alarmed the Emperor Francis, who,
of his own accord, had sent Baron de Vincent straight to Erfurt
with a letter to Napoleon, and I also think one to the Czar.
M. de Vincent, a gentleman from Lorraine, had entered the
Austrian service long before the French Revolution, on account
of the relationship of his family with the House of Lorraine. I
knew him well ; for ten years, I had had frequent intercourse
with him, and I can add that he had cause to congratulate him-
self that he knew me, for, eighteen months before, it pleased me
to render his mission in Warsaw a brilliant one, by assuring him
that the influence I could dispose of — it was then considerable —
would be applied to thwarting all the outbreaks ready to take
place in Galicia. M. de Vincent showed me a copy of the letter
of which he was the bearer : the style of this letter was noble,
rendering any uneasiness on the part of his sovereign impercep-
tible. M. de Vincent had been ordered to confide in me. I told
him that his mission gave me much pleasure, for I was not
without fear concerning the opinions of the two sovereigns.
At the beginning, it was easy to see from Napoleon's own
words that he recognized me to be, and he was right, a partisan
of the alliance of France with Austria. I then thought, and I
still believe that such alliance was to the interest of France. I
assured M. de Vincent that I had done, and was still doing, all
in my power to prevent any of the resolutions arranged at Erfurt
causing prejudice to the interests of his government.

Napoleon, faithful to his present dilatory system, had dis-
posed of the first days so as never to be able to find a moment
to speak of business matters. Me spent a good deal of time

31 8 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

over his lunch. He received visitors with whom he wilHngly
chatted ; then followed sonie visits to the public establishments
of the country, from whence he went to manceuvres outside the
town, at which the Czar and the Grand Duke never failed to
meet him. Then, only sufficient time remained to dress for
dinner, which was succeeded by the play, which took up the
rest of the day.

I have known many of those dejeilnej-s to last more than two
hours. To them, Napoleon generally bid the eminent and
remarkable men who had come to Erfurt to see him. Every
morning, he perused, with much interest, the list of new arrivals.
One day, having noticed the name of Herr Goethe among the
number of newly-arrived visitors, he sent for him.

" Monsieur Goethe," he said to him on seeing him, " I am
delighted to see you."

" Sire, I see that when your Majesty travels, you do not
neglect to notice even the most insignificant persons."

" I know you are Germany's first dramatic poet."

" Sire, you wrong our country ; we are under the impression
we have our great men. Schiller, Lessing, and Wieland arc surely
known to your Majesty."

" I confess I hardly know them. However, I have read
La Giccrre de Trcnte Ans^ and that, I beg your pardon
seemed to me to furnish dramatic subjects only worthy of
our boulevards."

" Sire, I do not know your boulevards, but I suppose that
popular plays are given there. I am sorry to hear you judge so
severely one of the greatest geniuses of modern times."

"You generally live in Weimar ; it is the place where the most
celebrated men of German literature meet .'' "

" Sire, they enjoy great protection there ; but, for the present,
there is only one man in Weimar who is known throughout
Europe ; it is Wieland."

" I should be delighted to see Monsieur W' ieland ! "

"If your Majesty will allow me to ask him, I feel certain
that he will come here immediately."

^ Gcstlnclile dcs lirnssi^^jahrigen A'ricgcs, Schiller's chief and last historical work.
It was published in 1792. — {Trandator.)

/■ 'HE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 319

" Does he speak French ? "

" He knows it, and has corrected several French translations
of his works."

" While you are here, you must go every night to our
plays. It will not do you any harm to see good French
tragedies."

" I'll go willingly. I mu?t confess to your Majesty that it
was my intention, for I have translated, or rather imitated, some
French pieces."

" Which ones t "

" MaJiomet and Tancrcdc."

" I shall ask Remusat if he has any actors here to play them.
I should be very glad for you to sec them represented in our
language. You are not as strict as we are in theatrical rules."

" Sire, unity with us is not so essential."

" How do you find our sojourn here .'' "

" \'cry brilliant, sire, and I hope it will be useful to our
country."

" Are your people happy ? "

" They hope to be so soon.''

" Monsieur Goethe, you ought to remain with us during the
whole of our stay and write your impressions of the grand sight
we arc offering."

" Ah ! sire, it would require the pen of some great writer of
antiquity to undertake such a task."

" Arc you an admirer of Tacitus .'' "

" \'es, sire, I admire him much."

" Well, I don't ; but we shall talk of that another time.
Write and tell IMonsicur Wieland to come here. I shall return
his visit at Weimar, where the duke has invited me. I'll be very
glad to sec the duchess ; she is a lady worthy of much esteem.
The duke was troublesome enough, for some time. But he has
been punished." ^

" Sire, troublesome though he may have been, the punishment
was a little severe. But I am not a judge of such things; he

1 The Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar had taken Prussia's part in 1S06, ITis
troops were literally cmsheil, at Jena, and his capital, which was on the line of retreat
of the Prussian army, was devastated by the pursuers.

320 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

protects literature and sciences, and we have nothing to say
against him, but rather everything in his favour."

"Monsieur Goethe, come to-night to Iphige'yiie ; it is a good
piece. It is not, however, one of my favourites, but the French
think a good deal of it. You will see in my pit a great number
of sovereigns. Do you know the Prince Primate } "

" Yes, sire ; almost intimately. He is very clever, very well
informed, and very generous."

" Well, you will see him, to-night, fast asleep on the
shoulder of the King of Wurtemberg. Have you already seen
the Czar } "

" No, sire, never ; but I hope to be introduced to him."

" He speaks your language ; should you write anything on
the Erfurt interview, you must dedicate it to him."

" Sire, it is not my habit to do so. When I first commenced
to write, I made it a principle never to dedicate anything to any
one, in order that I should never repent it."

" The great writers of Louis the Fourteenth's time were not
of your opinion."

" But your Majesty cannot be sure they never repented doing
what they did."

" What has become of that scoundrel, Kotzebue .'' " ^

"Sire, they say he is in Siberia and that your Majesty
will solicit his pardon from the Czar."

" Put he is not the man for me."

" Sire, he has been very unfortunate, and is a man of great
talent."

" Good-bye, Monsieur Goethe."

I followed Herr Goethe to invite him to dine with me. On
coming home, I wrote this first conversation, and, while at
dinner, I ascertained, by different questions I put to him, that

1 Avigustus von Kotzebue, born in 1761, at Weimar, entered the Russian service,
and became secretary to the government of St. I'ctcrsburij, and President of Justice
in Eslhonia. He was arrested and transported to .Siberia in iSoo, as the author of
libels against the CV.ar Pnul ; he returned in the following year, and was ai'pointed
Aulic councillor. He came afterv.aids to Paris, where he remained from 1S02 to
1806. Afur the batlle of Jena, he fled to Russia, where he circulated pamphlets of a
violent nature against Fiance and Napoleon. In 1S13, he was one of the promoters
of the national insurrection of Germany, but he changed his colours in 1S15, and
became one of the most ardent political defenders of the Holy Alliance. He was
assassinated in 1 819.

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW.

321

what I had written was correct. On rising from table, Herr
Goethe went to the theatre ; 1 was anxious that he should be
near the stage, but that was difficult enough, for the seats in front
were occupied by the crowned heads, and the chairs placed
behind them were taken up by the hereditary princes, while the
seats still farther off were filled by ministers and princes. I,
therefore, recommended Herr Goethe to Dazincourt who, without
wounding propriety, found the means of placing him advan-
tageously.

The choice of the pieces for those plays at Erfurt had been
made with great care and art, the subjects having been taken
from heroic times or great historical events. Napoleon's idea in
causing heroic times to appear on the stage, was to mislead all
that old German nobility in the midst of which he was, and to
carry them away by imagination into other regions where men
great by themselves, fabulous by their actions, creators of their
race, and pretending to draw their origin from the gods, passed
before its eyes. In the pieces drawn from history, the repre-
sentation of which he ordered, the policy of some chief
character always recalled some circumstances analogous with
those which occurred daily since he himself had appeared on
the stage of the world ; and all that became the subject of flatter-
ing allusions. The hatred of Mithridates against the Romans
called to mind Napoleon's hatred against England, and after
hearing the following verses :

" Ne vous figurez pas que de cette contrde,
Par d'^ternels remparts, Rome soit s^paree,
Je sais tous les chemins par oil Je dois passer,
Et si la mort bientot ne vient me traverser," ^

everybody whispered : " Yes, he knows all the roads to
success ; yes, it must be borne in mind, he knows them all."

The ideas of immortality, glory, undaunted bravery, and
fatality, which, in Iphighiie, recur constantly, either as the chief
idea, or as accessory, served the purpose of his main thought,

^ "Do not fancy that from this country

Rome be protected by everlasting obstacles,

I know all ihe paths which lead to that city,

And if death does not soon thwart my purpose," . . .

— {Mithridates, Act III., Scene I.)

VOL. I. Y

322 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

which was to arouse unceasing amazement in all who approached
him. Talma had received orders to deliver slowly the following
fine passage :

" L'honneur parle, il suffit, ce sont la nos oracles.
Les dieux sont de nos jours les maitres souverains,
Mais, seigneur, notre gloire est dans nos propres mains,
Pourquoi nous tourmenter de leurs ordres supremes ?
Ne songeons qu'a nous rendre immortals comme eux-memes,
F-t laissant faire au sort, courons ou la valeur
Nous promct un destin aussi grand que le leur," . . ?■

But the play of Napoleon's choice, that which indicated best
the causes and the source of his power, was Mahomet, because,
during the whole performance, it seemed to him that he was the
chief character. From the beginning of the first act :

" Les mortels sont ^gaux, ce n'est point la naissance,
C'est la seule vertu qui fait la difference.
II est de ces esprits favoris^s des cieux
Qui sont tout par eux-memes et rien par leurs ai'eux.
Tel est I'homme, en un mot, que j'ai choisi pour maitre ;
Lui seul dans I'univers a merited de I'etre ;
Tout mortei a ses lois doit un jour obeir," . .

the eyes of all present were riveted on him ; they listened
to the actors but could not help looking at him. And, in
another passage, every German prince must naturally have
applied to himself the following verses uttered by Lafont in a
dismal tone :

" Vois I'empire romain tombant de toutes parts,
Ce grand corps dechird dont les membres ^pars

^ " The dictates of honour suffice, ihcy constitute our oracle.

The gods are the sovereign masters of our life,

But, my Lord, our ^lory depends on ourselves,

Why trouble about their supreme orders ?

Let us only think of becoming immortal like themselves,

And letting fate take its course, let us hasten where valour

Ilolds out for us the prospect of a fate as great as their own," . . .

— {Iphigcnie, Act I., Scene II.
^ " All men are equal, it is not to birth,

But to virtue alone that difference between them is due.

There are some men, favoured by Heaven,

Who are everything by themselves and owe nothing to their ancestors.

Such, in short, is the man I chose for master ;

He alone in the world deserved to be mine ;

All nations will some day submit to his sway," . . .

—(.'J/d/;w/^/( Voltaire), Act I., Scene IV.)

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW. 323

Languissent disperses, sans honneur et sans vie ;
Sur ces difbris du monde elevens I'Arabie.
II faut un nouveau culte, il faut de nouveaux fers,
II faut un nouveau Dieu pour I'aveugle univers.'' ^

At this point, respect only prevented the audience from
demonstrating their approval ; and the applause almost broke
forth at the followinsr verse :

" Qui I'a fait roi ? Qui I'a couronn^ ? La Victoire.'"' ^

Mahomet, Acte I., Scene IV.

Perhaps they only affected to be touched when Omar

added :

" Au nom de conque'rant et de triomphateur,
II veut joindre le nom de pacificateur." ^

Afahomet, Acte I., Scene IV.

At this last verse, Napoleon cleverly evinced an emotion which
showed that it was there, he wished them to find the explana-
tion of all his life.

They even plainly displayed their approbation when Saint-
Prix, in La Mart de Cesar, said, with admirable expression, in
speaking of Sylla :

" II en e'tait reffroi,yf« serai les delices, etc."*

La Alort de Cesar (Voltaire), Acte I., Scene IV.

I do not wish to quote any more applications, or inductions
of the same kind which I heard people make every day. I only
cite those that are indispensable in order to enable my readers
to grasp more fully the spirit of this great assembly.

After each play, I saw the Emperor Alexander at the house
of the Princess of Tour and Taxis, and sometimes M. de Vincent

1 " Behold the Roman empire breaking up everywhere,

Great tattered body whose scattered limbs
Linger disconnected in inglorious death ;
We must raise Arabia on this wreck of the world.
A new worship is needed, men require fresh fetters,
A new God must rule over blind mankind."

— (^Mahomet, Act II., Scene V.)

' " Who made him king ? Who crowned him ? Victory."
5 " To the name of victor and of conqueror,

He wishes to add that of pacifier."
* " He was the dread of Rome, I shall be her delight "...

Y 2

324 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

called on me. Their impressions on the entertainment were
very different. The emperor was always delighted with the
performance, and M. de Vincent always despondent. He
had the greatest difficulty in persuading himself that the em-
perors were not making some arrangement ; and yet he was
positive that during the first days no business had been touched
upon. However, when they did speak, the conversation was a
long one. The emperors discussed thoroughly everything that
had been treated of between the two cabinets for the last year, and
the Emperor Napoleon finished by communicating a project of
convention which, he said, he had drawn up for their mutual
advantage. He gave it to the Emperor Alexander, after having
made him promise not to show it to anybody ; not even to one
of his ministers. It was an affair, he added, which must be
treated of between themselves, and to prove the importance
which he attached to its being kept a secret, he himself had
written out some of the articles, not wishing any one to know
them.

The words, '' not any one," which he repeated, were evidently
meant for Count Romanzoff and me. The Emperor Alexander
had the goodness not to understand them so ; and, after having
begged the Princess of Tour and Taxis to admit nobody, he took
the treaty out of his pocket. Napoleon had taken the trouble
to copy, as well as he could, nearly all the project I had
given him. He had, however, changed one or two articles,
and added that a corps of the Russian army, under pretext of
the position of the cabinet of St. Petersburg with regard to
the Ottoman Porte, should be placed near the Austrian frontiers.
The Emperor Alexander, after having remarked to the Em-
peror Napoleon that the bases of the treaty differed from
those which had been almost decided on at St. Petersburg,
reserved to himself to make in writing any observations he
should think proper. Russian secrets seem to be badly kept,
for the next morning, M. de Vincent came to me and told me
that he knew the negotiations had commenced, and that there
was already a project of convention drawn up. I advised him
to keep quiet, and take only the necessary steps, and above all
not to show any uneasiness. I also told him that I was placed

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW. 325

so as to have some influence on the resolutions which would be
taken, and he knew how strongly I was opposed to any measures
which would be detrimental to the security or dignity of
Austria.

Two or three days elapsed without the two emperors
seeing each other, except at parade, at dinner time, or at the
play. I continued to go every evening to the Princess of
Tour's ; the Emperor Alexander also came there regularly ; he
seemed preoccupied, so I did my best to make the conversation as
frivolous as possible. One day, however, as I was looking over
Mithridate, which had just been given me, I remarked on the
number of passages in the piece which might serve as allusions.
Addressing myself to the Princess of Tour, I quoted several
verses, but my little plan did not succeed. The emperor said
he had a headache and withdrew, but his last words were "a
demain." Every morning, I saw M. de Caulaincourt. I asked
him if he did not think that the Emperor Alexander was growing
cooler. He said. No ; that he thought he was only perplexed,
but that his enthusiasm for Napoleon was still the same, and
that his perplexity would soon cease.

During these days of political reserve, the Emperor Napoleon
continued to see, every morning after his breakfast, the Germans
he prized and whose suffrage he wished to have. The errand he
had given to Herr Goethe had been faithfully executed, and
Herr Wieland had arrived. He had them both invited to lunch.
I remember that the prince-primate and many other people were
present that day. The emperor was always anxious to shine in
conversation, and so, carefully prepared some subject, which he
broached unexpectedly to the person with whom he was speaking.
He was never embarrassed by a direct contradiction, for he easily
found a reason for interrupting the person who spoke. I have
several times had opportunities for remarking that, when out of
France, he was fond of speaking on elevated subjects, which are
o-enerally unknown to military men ; this fact gave him at once
a character apart. His self-confidence in this respect, whether
it was owing to the brilliancy of his life, or to the illusions of his
pride, would not have been shaken by the presence of either
Montesquieu or Voltaire.

326 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

There were three or four subjects on which he spoke wiUingly.
At Berlin, the preceding year, addressing himself to Johan von
Miiller, he had tried to fix the different epochs of the great
efforts of the human mind. I fancy I still see the astonish-
ment on Mijller's face when he heard him assert that the
propagation and the rapid development of Christianity had
worked an admirable reaction of the spirit of Greece against that
of Rome, and lay stress on or applaud the skill which Greece,
vanquished by physical force, displayed in dealing with the con-
quest of the empire of intellect, a conquest, he added, which had
been effected by taking advantage of the beneficial seeds of
Christianity, whose influence on mankind had been so great.
He must have known this sentence by heart, for I have heard him
repeat it in the same way to M. de Fontanes ^ and to M. Suard.^
Miiller did not reply. He was quite taken aback ; the emperor
took advantage of this opportunity to ask him to write his
history.

I do not know what he wished to obtain from Wieland, but
he was particularly affable with him.

" M. Wieland, we like your works much in France : it is you
who are the author of AgatJion and Oberon. We call you the
Voltaire of Germany."

" Sire, the comparison would be a flattering one, if it were
justified. It is very great praise from very kind people."

" Tell me, Monsieur Wieland, why your Biogenics, your
Agaiho7i, and your Percgrimis are written in the equivocal
style which mixes romance with history and history with
romance. A superior man like yourself ought to keep each style
distinctly separate. What is mixed is generally confused.
That is the reason we like the drama so little in France. But
I am afraid to say too much on this subject, because I am
dealing with some one so much more conversant with the
matter than I am ; especially as what I say has as much
reference to Monsieur Goethe as to you."

^ M. de Fontanes, born in 17S7, occupied himself, before the Revolution, with
literature and poetry. He entered the Institiit und^r th^ Consulate, became a member
of the legislative boily in 1S04, and president of that assembly (1S03). Grand-
master of the University in iSoS, and senator in iSio. He died in 1S21.

- Jean Baptisle Suard, Htlaaicur and distinguislied writer, member of the French
Academy. lie became Censor under the Restoration. (1733-1817.)

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 327

" Sire, your Majesty will permit us to point out to you that,
in the French theatre, there are very few tragedies which are
not a mixture of history and romance ; but I am now on Herr
Goethe's land. He will reply himself, and certainly he will
reply well. As to myself, I wished to give man some useful
lesson. The authority of history was necessary. I intended
that the examples I borrowed should be easy and agreeable to
imitate, and to do that, it was necessary to mix the ideal
and the romantic. Men's ideas, sometimes, are worth more
than their actions, and good novels are more valuable
than mankind. Compare, sire, the century of Louis XIV.
with Tc'lemaqiic, where are found the best lessons for sovereigns
and for the people. My Diogenes is virtuous, though living in
a cask."

" But do you know," said the emperor, " what happens to
those who always display virtue in their stories .'' They cause
the impression that virtue is but a dream. History has often
been calumniated by historians themselves."

This conversation, in which Tacitus could not fail to be intro-
duced, was interrupted by M. de Nansouty, who just came to
tell the emperor that a messenger from Paris had brought him
some letters. The prince -primate left with Wicland and Goethe,
and beeped me to s^o with them to dine at his house. Wieland,
who in his simplicity did not know whether he had replied well or
badly to the emperor, had gone into his room to write the con-
versation he had just had. He brought that recital to the prince-
primate, such as has just been read. All the great minds of
Weimar and suburbs attended that dinner. I observed a lady from
Eisenach who was seated opposite the primate. No one spoke to
her without giving her the name of a muse, and that without
affectation. " Clio, will you have so and so } " was the primate's
manner of addressing her, to which she would reply simply
" Yes " or '" No." She was called Baroness Bechtolsheim. After
dinner, every one went to the play, and, when it was over, follow-
ing my custom, I saw the emperor home, and went, afterwards,
to the Princess of Tour's,

The Czar Alexander was already there. His face did not
wear its ordinary expression. It was plain that his uncertainties

328 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

still existed, and that his observations on the project of the
treaty were not made.

" Has the emperor been talking to you lately ? " was his first
question.

" No, sire ; '' and I ventured to add that if I had not seen
M. de Vincent, I could have believed that the Erfurt interview
was only a pleasure party.

" What does M. de Vincent say } "

" Sire, only very reasonable things. He hopes that your
Majesty will not allow yourself to be led by the Emperor Napo-
leon to take threatening, or at least, offensive measures against
Austria; and if your Majesty will permit me to tell you so, I
have formed the same opinion."

" I should also like to refrain from them, but it seems very
difficult to do so, for the Emperor Napoleon seems to me much
incensed."

" But, sire, you have certain observations to make. Can your
Majesty not consider as useless those provisions relative to
Austria and say that they are included in the treaty of Tilsit }
It seems to me that one could add that the proofs of confidence
ought to be reciprocal ; and that your Majesty, while allowing the
Emperor Napoleon to be, in a measure, the judge of the circum-
stances where certain articles of the draft submitted to you could
be executed, has, on the other hand, the right to exact that he
leave you to judge the cases where Austria might become a real
obstacle to the projects adopted by the two sovereigns. This
being understood between you, everything concerning Austria
should be erased from the draft of the treaty. And if your
Majesty thinks of the fright that the Erfurt interview, arranged
without the knowledge of the Emperor Francis, must have
caused at Vienna, perhaps you would like to re-assure him in a
letter, on everything which interests him personally." I saw
that the Czar Alexander was pleased. He took notes with his
pencil on all that I had said ; but it was necessary to decide, and
that he had not yet done. It was M. de Caulaincourt who, by
his personal influence over him carried his determination.

The next day the Czar Alexander showed me his observa-
tions on the project of the treaty, and said to me blandly:

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW. 329

" You will recognize yourself there, perhaps, in several places. I
have added many things taken from the past conversations
the Emperor Napoleon and I have had together." Those obser-
vations were sufficiently good. I found him decided to propose
them the next morning. It gave me pleasure, for his expres-
sion was not yet so free from anxiety that it did not cause me
to wish the first step had been taken. My fears were not with-
out foundation, for at a conference which lasted three hours, he
yielded nothing to the Emperor Napoleon, who sent for me at
the time of their separating.

'' I have done nothing with the Emperor Alexander," he said.
" Sirs, I believe your Majesty has done a great deal since he
has been here, for the Czar Alexander is completely under
the spell."

" He is simply acting a part. If he cares so much for me, why
does he not sign .-* "

" Sire, there is something so chivalric in his nature that so
many precautions quite shock him. He believes that by his
word and his affection for you, he is more bound than by
treaties. His letters, which your Majesty gave me to read, are
full of passages which prove it."
" That is all nonsense ! "

He walked up and down in his room, interrupting the silence
now and then by saying :

" I shall not return to that subject again with him — that
would show him that I placed too much interest in it. Our only
interview, by the mystery in which it was enveloped, will impose
on Austria. She w^ill believe in the existence of secret articles,
and I shall not undeceive her. If, at least, Russia, by her example,
induce the Emperor Francis to recognize Joseph as King of Spain,
that would be something, but I don't expect it. What I have
done in eight days with the Czar Alexander would require
years to do at Vienna. I do not understand your leaning
towards Austria. It is the ancient policy of France."

" Sire, I believe that such ought to be the policy of the
new France, and if I dared add it, your own, for you, sire,
are the one sovereign on whom the world depends most to
preserve civilization. The presence of Russia at the peace of

330 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLE YRAND.

Teschen ^ has been a serious misfortune for Europe, and a grave
error on the part of France, who did nothing to prevent it,"

" That is no longer the question, my dear. We must take
things as they are. You must charge M. de Vergennes with the
responsibihty of the past. Few people now take an interest in
civihzation."

" We think of our business."

" You do not understand ; you know why it is that no
one deals openly with me? It is that having no children,
they believe I only have a life-interest in France. That
is the secret of all that you see here. They are afraid of
me, and each one gets out of trouble as well as he can. It is
a bad state of things for everybody. And," he added gravely,
"it must needs some day be remedied. Continue seeing the
Czar Alexander. I have been perhaps a little brusque in our
conferences, but I desire that we part on friendly terms. I have
still a few days before me. To-morrow we shall go to Weimar
and it will not be difficult to be gracious on the grounds of Jena
where they are having a fete for me. You will be at Weimar,
before myself ; tell the duchess who is too grand a lady to come
to Jena, that I should like to see all the savants who live in her
midst, and that I beg her to acquaint them with my wish. It
would be a pity that all the plans for this journey should fail."

The emperor had sent all the Comedie Francaise to Weimar.
The day began by a hunt on the grounds of Jena, afterwards
there was a grand dinner served on a table in the shape of a
horse-shoe, at which were placed only reigning princes. I lay
stress on that expression, for that title enabled them to render a
fresh homage to Napoleon by calling on the prince of Neufch^tel
and myself to sit at that table. On leaving the table they Avcnt
to the play, where La Mort de (T/j'-rrr was to be represented before
all the sovereigns and princes who had come from Erfurt to
Weimar. After the play, we passed into the ball-room. It was

■^ The pence of Teschen (Silesia), signed on May lo, 1779. between Austria and
France, put an cnJ to the war of the succession of Bavaria that the Emperor Joseph
II. had i stij^ated in the preceding year, in endeavouring to take possession of that
state, after the death of the Duke Maximihan-Joseph. King Frederick 11. being
opposed lo that claim, a short war was the result. The Empre-s Catherine IE, had
been clever enough to place herself as mediator between the two powers, in concert
with P'rance.

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE IV. 331

a very beautiful hall, large, lofty and square, illuminated from
above, and adorned with many columns. The impression that
La Mori de Char had left was soon driven away by the sight
of a quantity of young and pretty girls, who had come to the
ball. Napoleon loved to touch upon serious questions in the
drawing-room, at the hunt, at a ball, sometimes opposite the
gaming table. He intended to prove, by it, that he was not
susceptible to the impression that such displays give to men
in general. Having made the rounds of the room and pausing
near some young ladies, the names of whom he inquired of
Herr Friedrich von M tiller, the duke's chamberlain, who had
received the order to accompany him, he retired at a distance
from the vast throng, and requested Herr von Muller to fetch
Herr Goethe and Herr Wieland. Herr von Muller is not of the
same family as the renowned Johan von Muller, the historian,
but he is a member of the literary society of Weimar, and I
believe that he is the secretary of it. He went to fetch those
gentlemen, who, with a few other members of that academy,
looked upon that beautiful and extraordinary sight. Herr
Goethe, on approaching the emperor, asked his permission to
introduce them. I do not give their names, because they are not
found in the notes, albeit quite complete in other respects,
which Herr von Muller gave me the next day. I had asked him
to write all he saw on this journey, so that I might compare
them with what I had written myself

"You are pleased with our plays I hope," said the emperor
to Herr Goethe. " Have these gentlemen come to them .-■ "
" To the one of to-day, sire, but not to those at Erfurt."
" I am sorry for it. A good tragedy should be looked upon as
the most worthy school for superior men. From a certain point of
view, it is above history. In the best history, very little effect is
produced. Man when alone is but little affected, men assembled
receive the stronger and more lasting impressions. I assure you
that Tacitus, the historian, that you are always quoting, never
taught me anything. Could you find a greater and, at times,
more unjust detractor of the human race? In the most simple
actions" he finds criminal motives, he makes emperors out as the
most profound villains, in order to awake admiration for the

332 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

genius that has penetrated them. People are right in saying that
his Ajmals are not a history of the empire, but an abstract of the
prison-records of Rome. They are always dealing with accusa-
tions, with convicts, and with people who open their veins in their
baths. He who speaks incessantly of accusations, he is the most
notorious informer. What an involved style ! How obscure ! I
am not a great Latin scholar, but Tacitus' obscurity displays
itself in ten or twelve Italian and French translations that I have
read, I, therefore, conclude that his chief quality is obscurity,
that it springs from that which one calls his genius, as well as
from his style, and that it is so connected with his manner of
expressing himself only because it is in his conception. I have
heard people praise him for the fear he awakes in tyrants ; he
makes them afraid of the people. That is a great mistake, and
does the people harm. Am I not right, Monsicitj- Wieland ? But
I am interrupting you. We are not here to speak of Tacitus.
Look ! how well the Czar Alexander dances.

" I do not know why we are here, sire,'' replied Herr Wieland,
"but I know that, at this moment, your Majesty makes me very
happy."

"Ah! Really.? In what way?"

" Sire, the manner in which your Majesty has spoken to me,
makes me forget that he has two thrones. I sec in him ovXy a man
of letters, and I know that your Majesty will not disdain that title,
for I remember that, on leaving for Egypt he signed his letters,
' Bonaparte, mcuibre dc Vinstiiut ct general cii ehef! It is, then,
to a man of letters, sire, that I shall try to reply. I felt, at
Erfurt, that I defended myself but feebly when I was the object
of your criticism ; but I believe I am able to defend Tacitus better.
I understand that his principal aim is to punish t\-rants — but if
he denounces them it is not to their slaves, whose revolt would
only bring a change of tyranny ; he denounces them to the j ustice
of ages and to mankind. And the latter ought to have had
enough trouble and experience, that its reason should henceforth
acquire the rule heretofore solely enjoj'cd by its passions."

"That is what all our philosophers say ; but that supremacy
of reason I look all about for and find it nowhere."

" Sire, it is not long since Tacitus began to have so many

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 333

readers. That hankering for him is a clear progress of the human
mind, for, for centuries, he was shut out of academies as well as
from courts. The slaves of taste were quite as much afraid of it
as the servants of despotism. It is only since Racine named him
Le plus grand peintre de Fantiquite} that your universities and
our own have thought this judgment might be true. Your
Majesty says that in reading Tacitus, you see nothing but
assassins, informers, and scoundrels ; but, sire, that is exactly
what the Roman Empire was, governed by those monsters fallen
under Tacitus' pen. The genius of Tacitus travelled the world with
the legions of the Republic. The genius of Tacitus must almost
always have been applied to the study of the prison-records of
Rome, for there only could he find all the history of the Empire.
It is even only in prison-records," said he, in an animated voice,
" that historians can become acquainted with those unhappy
times, amongst all nations, when princes and their people,
opposed in views and principles, live trembling before each
other. Then, the slightest pretext gives rise to criminal trials,
and death appears to be inflicted by centurions and executioners
oftener than by time and nature. Sire, Suetonius, Dion, and
Cassius relate a much greater number of crimes than Tacitus,
in a style void of energy, while nothing is more terrible than
Tacitus' pen. However, his genius is as impartial as it is inexor-
able. Whenever he can see any good, even in the monstrous
reign of Tiberius, he looks it out, takes hold of it, and shows it
off in the bold relief he gives to everything. He can find even
praise for that imbecile Claudius, who was really so only by
nature and by his dissipation. That impartiality — the most im-
portant quality of justice — Tacitus exercises on the most opposite
subjects, on the republic as well as the Empire ; on citizens as well
as on princes. By the stamp of his genius one would believe he
could love only the republic. One could confirm that opinion by
his words on Brutus, Cassius and Codrus, so deeply engraven in
the memory of our youth ; but when he speaks of the emperors
who had so happily reconciled what was thought could not be
reconciled, the Empire and liberty, one feels that the art of
governing appears to him the most beautiful discovery on earth."

^ The greatest painter of antiquity.

334 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

The prince-primate who had approached, and all the little
academy of Weimar which surrounded Wieland, could not
contain their joy.

" Sire," he continued, " if it be true to say of Tacitus, that
tyrants are punished when he paints them, it is still more true to
say that good princes are rewarded when he traces their images
and presents them to future glory."

" I have too strong a party to cope with, Monsieur Wieland,
and you neglect none of your advantages. I think you knew
that I did not like Tacitus; do you correspond with Herr von
Miiller,^ whom I saw at Berlin .'' "

" Yes, sire."

" Confess that he has written to you on the subject of our
conversation .'' "

" It is true, sire. It is by him that I knew your Majesty
liked to speak of Tacitus, but did not, however, like him."

" I do not like to say I am beaten, Monsieur Wieland : to
that I would consent with difficulty. To-morrow I return to
Erfurt, and we shall continue our discussion. I have a good store
of weapons in my arsenal for sustaining that Tacitus has not
entered far enough into the development of the causes of events;
that he has not sufficiently shown the mystery of the actions
that he relates, and their mutual linking together in order to
prepare the judgment of posterity, which must judge men and
governments such as they were in their time and in the midst of
the circumstances which surrounded them."

The emperor concluded that conversation by saying to Herr
Wieland, with a mild expression, that the pleasure of being with
him caused him to be for some time, an object of scandal
for the dancers, and he went away with the prince-primate.
After having paused for some moments to witness the beautiful
contre-dance, and having spoken to the Duchess of Saxe-
Weimar about the elegance and beauty of that brilliant fete, he
left the ball and went back to the magnificent apartment prepared
for him. All the young academicians, fearing to trust to their
memory, had already gone away to write down among themselves
all that they had just heard. And the next day, the day of our

' Johan von Miiller, the historian.

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW. 335

departure, Herr von MuUer was with me at seven o'clock, to ask
nie if the onslaught of the emperor against Tacitus was truthfully-
recorded. I had altered some words in it, and that gave me the
right to have a complete copy of these gentlemen's works,
destined for the archives of Weimar. We left this beautiful
place in the morning. The Kings of Saxony, Wurtemberg, and
Bavaria set off in order to return to their dominions.

When Napoleon returned to Erfurt, he was more friendly,
more confidential with the Czar Alexander than he had been
yet. The convention that had become so insignificant, was
settled almost without discussion ; the emperor did not appear
to take a real interest in anything except in what pleased his
august ally. A life of excitement fatigued him, he said to the
Czar Alexander. He needed rest, and he only longed at
present, after the time when he could give himself up to
domestic life, to which all his tastes led him. " But that
happiness," he added with a deeply concerned expression, " is
not for me. Is there any home without children ; and can I
have any .'' Aly wife is ten years older than myself — I beg your
pardon, this must all appear ridiculous to you, but I obey the
dictates of my heart, which it soothes me to unbosom to you.''
And then he talked about the long separation, the great
distance, the difficulty in seeing each other again. " But there
is only a short time before dinner," he said, " and I must again
assume all my composure in order to give M. de Vincent his
audience of leave.'' That evening the Czar Alexander was still
fascinated by the charm of that intimate conversation. I was
only able to see Napoleon at a very late hour. He was very
much pleased with the day, and bade me stay with him a long
time after he had retired. His agitation was singular. He
asked me questions without waiting for my answer. He tried
to speak to me, he wanted to say something else than what he
did say ; and, at last, he pronounced the one word divorce. " My
destiny exacts it," he said, " and the tranquillity of France
demands it. I have no successor ; Joseph is nothing, and he
has only daughters. It is I who must found a dynasty. I can
only do so by getting married to a princess from one of the
reigning houses of Europe. The Emperor Alexander has

336 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

sisters. There is one whose age suits me. Speak of that to
Romanzoff. Tell him that once my affairs in Spain are settled,
I will enter into all his views for the partition of Turkey ;
besides, other arguments will not fail you, for I know you are
an advocate of divorce. The Empress Josephine believes in it
also, I can tell you.''

" Sire, if your Majesty permits I will say nothing to Count
Romanzoff, although he be the hero of the Chevaliers du
Cygne of Mme. de Genlis.^ I do not think he has sense
enough. Besides, after I have told him what yow have suggested
he will have to repeat it all to the Czar Alexander. Will he
repeat it correctly, or will he choose to repeat it incorrectly }
I cannot tell. It is much more natural, and I may say, much
more simple, to have a conversation with the Czar Alexander
himself about so important a question ; and if your Majesty
adopts this opinion, I shall undertake to prepare the way for
him."

" Well and good," said the emperor, " but remember that it
is not as coming from me you must speak. It is as a French-
man that you must address him, in order that he may obtain from
me a decision ensuring the stability of France whose fate
would be uncertain at my death. As a Frenchman you could
say everything you liked. Joseph, Lucien and all my family
offer you a free field. Say about them all you like, they are
nothing for France. My son even, but that is useless to say,
would need to be my son over again, in order to succeed peace-
fully to the throne of France."

It was late, I ventured however to go to the Princess of
Tour, whose door was not yet closed. The Czar Alexander
had remained there longer than usual. He related with
admirable good faith to the princess the sad scene of that
morning.

" Nobody," said he, " has a true idea of that man's
character. What alarming measures he sometimes resorts to,

1 Les Chevaliers die Cygiie, ou la Cour de Charlemagne, is a historical rnmance of
Madame de Genlis in the style of the romances of chivalry of the eleventh century.
The authoreFS endeavoured to write, in the gui^e of fiction, numerous allusions to
the scenes of the Revolution, and in several of her personages, she wished to depict
certain ctlebrities of her time. Count Romanzoff had, it appears, been one of her
models.

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE W. 3 37

for other countries, he is by his position forced to take. We
do not know how good he is. You think so, do you not, you
that know him well ? "

" Sire, I have many personal reasons for, and I always state
them with great pleasure. Dare I ask your Majesty if to-
morrow morning you can grant me an audience t "

"To-morrow.? yes, willingly, before or after I have seen
M. de Vincent. I have a letter to write to the Emperor
Francis."

" After, sire, if you permit it. I should be very sorry to
retard that good work. The Emperor Francis is in great
need of comfort, and I have no doubt that your Majesty's
letter will procure that for him."

" That is at least my intention." The Czar remarked with
astonishment that it was nearly two o'clock.

The next day, before going to the appointed audience,
M. de Vincent called on me, and I told him how much
reason he had to be satisfied with every one in general, and
with the Czar Alexander in particular. His face beamed with
satisfaction. In bidding me good bye, he gave me an affec-
tionate and grateful grasp of the hand. He set off for Vienna
immediately, having obtained his audience, during which I
weighed in my mind the means I should employ to discharge
the errand I had accepted, in such a way as to please every one as
well as myself I confess I was frightened for Europe at the
idea of another alliance between France and Russia. As for
me, it was necessary that the idea of that alliance should be
sufficiently admitted by Europe to satisfy Napoleon, and that,
on the other hand, it contained resei-vations hindering its
application. All the art I thought I wanted was useless to
me with the Czar Alexander.

At the first word, he understood me, and he understood me
precisely as I wished him to.

" If it were only a question of myself I would willingly
give my consent ; but my consent is not the only one we must
have. My mother has retained a power over her daughters,
that I must never question. I can try to give her certain advice
which it is probable she may follow, but I do not dare to take
VOL. I, Z

33 S THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

it upon myself to say she will. All that, inspired by a real
friendship, ought to satisfy the Emperor Napoleon. Tell
him that I shall be with him in a moment."

"Sire, your Majesty will not forget that that conversation
ought to be solemn and affectionate. Your Majesty will speak
of the interests of Europe and of France. Europe requires that
the throne of France be protected from every storm, and
it is the manner of reaching that great end which your Majesty
is about to propose."

" That will be my text. It is a fertile field. I will see you
this evening at the Princess of Tour's."

I informed the Emperor Napoleon of the result of my
interview ; he was delighted with the idea that he would have
to reply instead of asking. I had scarcely time to add several
words. Already the Czar Alexander dismounted from his horse
in the yard. The two sovereigns remained several hours to-
gether, and all the court was from that moment, struck with the
familiar expression of friendship that existed between them ;
even etiquette seemed to be relaxed between them during those
last days. An air of harmony displayed itself everjnvhere, and
it was also true that they were perfectly happy The great
divorce question was mooted ; and it was so in a way to furnish
Napoleon with replies to all those who, attached to the Empress
Josephine, found in her accession a guarantee of their personal
situation.

Napoleon was already dreaming of founding a lasting em-
pire ; the Czar of Russia believed he had bound Napoleon to
himself, and flattered himself that, by his personal influence
he had given to Russian policy the support of him to whom
the entire world rendered homage, and before the genius of
whom all difficulties vanished. Thus, at the play, in the presence
of all Erfurt, he arose and took the hand of Napoleon, at this
line of OZdipe :

' Eainitie d tin grand hoinnie est un present efes di'eur." ^

—{CEdipe (Voltaire), Act I., Scene I.)

They then both looked upon each other as essential to their

^ " The friendship of a great man is a gift from the gods."

THE ERFURT INTERVIEW. 339

common future. When the number of days that should occupy
the interview had passed, they separated in testifying the most
sincere regrets, and the most complete confidence. The last
morning that Napoleon spent at Erfurt, was employed in seeing
people. The scene that his palace presented that last day will
never vanish from my memory. He was surrounded by princes,
of whom he had either destroyed the armies, or reduced the
dominions, or humbled the pride. There was no one who dared
ask for anything. They simply wished to be seen, and to be
seen the last to be remembered by him. All such humility
was without recompense. He noticed only the academicians
of Weimar. It was to them alone that he spoke, and he desired
at the last moment to leave with them a new variety of
impression. He asked them if there were many ideologists in
Germany.

" Yes, sire," replied one of them, " a sufficiently large number."

" I pity you. I have some at Paris. They are dreamers,
and dangerous dreamers. They are all plain or disguised
materialists.

" Gentlemen," he said, in raising his voice, " philosophers
labour hard to create systems ; they will search in vain for a
better one than that of Christianity, which, in reconciling man
with himself assures at the same time public order and the
tranquillity of the state. Your ideologists destroy all illusions,
and the age of illusions is, for nations, as for individuals, the
age of happiness. I take away with me on leaving you a
thought that is very precious to me, it is that you will preserve
a pleasant remembrance of me." A few minutes after, he was
in his carriage, on his way, as he thought, to the conquest of
Spain.

I subjoin here, the treaty, such as it was signed at Erfurt.
A few differences will be found in the order of the articles,
between the project which the emperor had requested of me
to draw up, and that treaty. The article concerning Wallachia
and Moldavia has the appearance of being modified, and, never-
theless the Emperor Napoleon, though he had formally recognized
the union of those two provinces with Russia, exacted so pro-
found a secret on the consent that he gave to that union, that in

J4'

|o THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

his thoughts the two articles had very nearly the same sense. It
will be noticed, especially in this last drafting of the treaty,
that there is no longer any question of the two articles that the
Emperor Napoleon had introduced in the second, the one by
which he established himself as judge of the motives that should
determine Russia to declare war upon Austria, the other rela-
tive to the march of a body of Russian troops near the Austrian
frontiers, under the pretext of the position of the cabinet of
Saint Petersburg with the Ottoman Porte.

't>

The Erfurt Convention, October i2TH, 1808, ratified

ON the 13TH.

" H.M. the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, protector of
the Confederation of the Rhine, &c., and H.M. the Emperor of
Russia, &c., wishing to render more binding and for ever
durable the alliance which unites them, and taking it upon
themselves to come to an ulterior understanding, if there should
be any need of it, on the new decisions to take, and on the new
methods of attack to be directed against England, their common
enemy and the enemy of the Continent, have resolved to
establish in a special convention the principles that they have
determined to invariably follow, in all their undertakings, to
secure the restoration of peace.

" They have, to that effect appointed, namely, H.M. the
Emperor of the French, &:c., H. Exc. M. Jean Baptiste Nom-
pere de Champagny, Count of the Empire, &c., his Minister of
Foreign Affairs.

"And H.M. the Czar of all the Russias, &c., H.Exc. the
Count Nicolas de Romanzoff, his private counsellor, actually a
member of the Council, Minister of Foreign Affairs, &c.

" Who agree to that which follows :

" Art. I.— H.M. the Emperor of the French, &c. and H.M. the
Czar of all the Russias, &c., confirm, and inasmuch as there
is need, renew the alliance concluded between them at Tilsit,
engaging themselves not only to abstain from making with the
common enemy any separate peace, but also not to enter with
her on any negotiation and not to listen to any of her pro-
positions except by mutual consent.

"Art. II. — Thus resolved to remain inseparably united in
peace as in war, the high contracting parties agree to name
plenipotentiaries to treat for peace with England, and to send

THE ERFUR T INTER VIE IV.

341

them to that effect in that town of the Continent that England
shall designate.

" Art. 1 1 1. — In all the course of the negotiation, if there should
be one, the respective plenipotentiaries of the two high contract-
ing parties will ever act with the most perfect harmony, and
it will not be permissible to an}' one of them, not only to
support, but even to accept or to approve of, against the
interests of the other contracting party, any proposition or
request from the English plenipotentiaries which, taken in
itself, and being favourable to the interests of England, might
also offer some advantages to one of the contracting parties.

" Art. IV. — The basis of the treaty with England will be
the jiti possidetis.

" Art. V. — The high contracting parties bind themselves to
regard as the absolute condition of peace with England that
she recognize Finland, Wallachia, and Moldavia, as forming a
part of the Russian Empire.

"Art. VI. — They likewise bind themselves to regard as an
absolute condition of peace that England recognize the new
order of things established by France in Spain.

"Art. VII. — The two high contracting parties bind them-
selves not to receive from the enemy during the continuation of
the negotiations any proposition, offer, or communication what-
ever, without immediately reporting the same to their respective
courts, and if the said propositions are made at the congress
assembled for the discussion of peace, the plenipotentiaries will
communicate the same to each other respectively.

"Art. VIII. — H.M. the Czar of all the Russias on account
of the revolutions and changes which agitate the Ottoman
Empire, and leave no possibility of giving, and, consequently,
no hope of obtaining sufficient guarantees for the persons and
property of the inhabitants of Wallachia and Moldavia, having
already extended the limits of her empire to the Danube, on
that side, and annexed Wallachia and Moldavia to her empire,
can only, on that condition, recognize the integrity of the
Ottoman Empire. H.M. the Emperor Napoleon therefore,
recognizes the said annexation and that the limits of the Russian
Empire, on that side, are carried to the Danube.

" Art. IX. — H.M. the Czar of all the Russias binds himself to
keep in utmost secrecy the preceding article, and to open, be
it at Constantinople or elsewhere, negotiations in view of
obtaining, in a friendly manner, if possible, the cession of those
two provinces. France renounces her mediation. The plenipo-
tentiaries or agents of the two nations will agree on the language
to use in order not to compromise the friendly relations exist-

342 THE MEMOIRS OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND.

ing between the French nation and the Porte, as well as the
security of the French subjects resident in Levantine ports, and
to prevent the Porte from throwing itself upon the protection
of England.

" Art. X. — In case the Ottoman Porte refuse the cession of
the two provinces, war shall then be declared. The Emperor
Napoleon will take no part in it, and will limit himself to em-
ploying his good offices to decide the Ottoman Porte ; but, if it
should come to pass that Austria, or any other power make
common cause with the Ottoman Empire in the said war,
H.M. the Emperor Napoleon will make common cause imme-
diately with Russia, such case being one of those foreseen by
the General Alliance that unites the two empires.

" In case Austria declared war against France, the Czar of
Russia binds himself to declare war against Austria, and to
make common cause with France.

"Art. XI. — The high contracting parties bind themselves
to maintain moreover the integrity of the other possessions of
the Ottoman Empire, not willing to make themselves, or to
suffer that there should be made, any attempt against any
portion of that empire, without their having previously agreed
to it.

"Art. XII. — If the attempts made by the two high contract-
ing parties to bring about peace should fail, be it that England
decline the propositions that shall be made her, or that the
negotiations be broken, Their Imperial Majesties shall meet
again within the delay of one year, to agree upon the mutual
operations of the war and upon the methods or means to
continue it with all the resources of the two empires.

"Art. XIII. — The two high contracting parties, willing to
recognize the loyalty and the perseverance with which the King
of Denmark has sustained their common cause, bind them-
selves to procure him compensation for his sacrifices and to
recognize the acquisitions he might make in the course of the
war above alluded to.

" Art. XIV. — The present convention shall be held secret
during the space of at least ten years.

" Erfurt, October 12, 180S."

END OF THE FIFTH PART.

•RANGE UNDER RICHELIEU AND MAZARIN.
A History of France under Mazarin, with a Review of the
Administration of Richelieu. By James Breck Perkins.
2 vols., octavo, with four portraits . . . ^4 oo

"It is refreshing to find an hii^toric work which appears to be written in
calm, judicial spirit, in whicli there is no disposition, on the one hand, tii
lorify, or, on the other, to damn Richelieu, or anybody else, naerely be-
luse he did not subscribe to the same creed to which the historian adheres,
t is scarcely, if at all, possible to tell whether Mr. Perkins is a Romanist,
'rotestant, or Agnostic, and it is immensely to his credit, as an historian, that
ach is the case. It is possible that time may show the estimate of this work
3 be too high ; but it certainly seems to rank with the best work of Motley,
r Lecky, or Macaulay in the field of history. It is superior to either in its
bsolute impartiality, and in evidence of close, unsparing research ; and
qual to either in a certain sustained dignity and manly directness of style,
ualities which seem peculiarly apt in the historian. . . . This notice has
Iready extended beyond reasonable limits. The excuse therefor must be
ound in the admirable character of Mr. Perkins' work, its comprehensive
cope, the industry which has gone to sources of information scarcely known
the historians who have treated the period, — or, if known, practically dis-
egarded, — the fairness of its spirit, the easy dignity of its style, and the perfect
onfidence with which it threads its way among the tortuous intrigues and
abals of the period." — Chicago Times.

" His book defines more lucidly and precisely than any other English
fork with which we are acquainted how much the Minister of Louis XIII.
ound already done and how much he left undone. Mr. Perkins' account of
■"ranee under the Cardinals is a vigorous and cogent rehabilitation of
dazarin. . . . Here we touch the novel and most instructive results of
dr. Perkins' researches, and he was well counselled in assigning much the
arger part of his two volumes to this section of his theme. . . . Fortunate
ndeed would Germany and the House of IlohenzoUern be, if Bismarck
night count on a successor^such as Mr. Perkins, first among English students
if the epoch, has disclosed to us in Mazarin." — yV. V. Sun.

" The genuine student of history will hail these volumes with delight. It
5 safe to say that English readers for the first time have a luminous, im-
)artial, exceedingly well-written history of the first half of the seventeenth
entury in France. . . . The history of the administration of the adroit
ules Mazarin is told in a way to excite an interest which one feels while
eading Macaulay. Mr. Perkins has the gift of stating what in other hands
vould be dry details in a most interesting manner. The chapter on " Social
;.ife and Customs" has all the interest of a romance." — Si. Paul Pioneer
^ress.

" Summarizing thus some of the principal features of Mr. Perkins' brilliant
vork, it will be discovered that his labors have been conducted with a degree
)f patience, intelligence, and thoughifulness which will make his history
uccessful. The work of Mr. Perkins has an intrinsic value seldom acquired
)y historians of the French." — St. Louis Republican.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS,

New York : London :

>7 and 29 west 23d street. 27 king william street, strand.

PUBLICATIONS OF G. P PUTNAM'S SONS.

THE WINNING OF THE WEST, from the AUe-
ghanies to the Mississippi, 1769-1783. By Theodore
Roosevelt, author of "The Naval War of 1812," "Hunt-
ing Trips of a Ranchman," etc. Two vols., octavo, pp.
xiv. + 352, 427 $5.00

Contents — Introductor}^ — The Spread of the English-Speaking Peoples —
The French of the Ohio — The Appalachian Confederation — The
Algonquins of the Northwest — The Backwoodsmen of the Alleghanies,
1769-1772 — Coon and the Long Hunters, and their Hunting in No-
Man's Land, 1 769-1 773 — Sevier, Robertson, and the Watauga Com-
monwealth, 1769-1774 — Lord L)iinmore's War, 1774 — The Battle of
the Great Kanawha and Logan's Speech, 1774 — Boon and the Settle-
ment of Kentucky, 1 775 — In the Current of the Revolution — The
Southern Backwoodsmen Overwhelm the Cherokees, 1776 — The
Struggle for Kentucky and the War in the Northwest, 1776-1779 —
Clark's Conquest of the Illinois, 1778 — Clark's Campaign against
Vincennes, 1779 — Continuance of the War in Kentucky and the
Northwest, 1779-178 1 — The Administration of the Conquered French
Settlements, 1780-17S3 — Moravian Massacre and the Vengeance Taken
Therefor, 1781-1782 — The P'inal Struggle for Kentucky, 1782, 1783 —
The Holston Settlements, 1 776-1 779 — Robertson Organizes Middle
Tennessee, 1 778-1 780 — King's Mountain, 17S0 — East Tennessee, till
the Clo'^e of the Revolution, 17S0-1783 — Middle Tennessee ; the End
of the Revolution — A Troubled Lull on the Frontier, 1781-1783.

"It is an exceedingly interesting work, and a thorough and complete
history of the Western border." — Minneapolis Triinuie.

" It treats of a subject that has never yet been dealt with in a thorough-
going fashion, or A\'ith a full appreciatiion of its high importance." — Phila.
Telegraph.

" W'ritten in a free and flowing style, always graceful, but never turgid,
that makes the narrative delightful reading from the first page to the end." —
Chicago Times.

" Has had the advantage of much hitherto unused material, and has made
painstaking, and evidently successful, efforts to render his history accurate
as well as enjoyable." — Congrcgaiio!2alist.

For the first time the whole field has been covered in one work by one
accomplished and thoroughly equipped writer, whose book will rank among
.American historical writings of the first order." — The Critic, New York.

"There is no one who could have described Indian warfare and frontier
life with more spirit or more sympathy than Mr. Roosevelt. From begin-
ning to end these volumes are interesting. Yet the quality of interest which
the narrative possesses in such a ]ire-eminent degree does not give to it its
finly value. The historical reflections are numerous, original, and sensible."
— Christian Union.

" It will at once take rank among the most important books of its class
that have been produced in this country." — Chicago journal.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London

Iberoes of tbe Bations.

EDITED BY

EVELYN ABBOTT M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford,

A Series of biograpliical studies of the lives and work
of a number of representative historical characters about
whom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations
to which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in
many instances, as types of the several National ideals.
With the life of each typical character will be presented
a picture of the National conditions surrounding him
during his career.

The narratives are the work of writers who are recog-
nized authorities on their several subjects, and, while
thoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque
and dramatic " stories " of the Men and of the events con-
nected with them.

To the Life of each "Hero" will be given one duo-
decimo volume, handsomely printed in large type, pro-
vided with maps and adequately illustrated according to
the special requirements of the several subjects. The
volumes will be sold separately as follows :

Cloth extra $i 50

Half morocco, uncut edges, gilt top . . . i 75
Large paper, limited to 250 numbered copies for
subscribers to the series. These may be ob-
tained in sheets folded, or in cloth, uncut
edges 3 50

The first group of the Series will comprise twelve

volumes, as follows :

Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England. By W. Clark Russell,
author of " The Wreck of the Grosvenor," etc. (Ready April 15, 1S90.)

Gustavus Adolphus, and the Struggle of Protestantism for Exist-
ence. By C. R. L. Fletcher, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College,
Oxford.

Pericles, and the Golden Age of Athens. By Evelyn Abbott, M.A.,
Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford.

Alexander the Great, and the Extension of Greek Rule and of
Greek Ideas. By Prof. Benjamin I. Wheeler, Cornell University.

Theoderic the Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilization. By

Thomas Hodgkin, author of " Italy and Her Invaders," etc.

Charlemagne, the Reorganizer of Europe. By Prof. George L. Burr,
Cornell University.

Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots in France. By P. F. Willert,
M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.

William of Orange, the Founder of the Dutch Republic.

By Ruth Putnam.

Cicero, and the Fall of the Roman Republic. By J. L. Strachan
Davidson, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford.

Louis XIV., and the Zenith of the French Monarchy. By Arthur
Hassall, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford.

Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Adventurers of England.
By A. L. Smith, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford.

Bismarck. The New German Empire : How It Arose ; What It
Replaced ; And What It Stands For. By James Sime, author of
"A Life of Lessing," etc.

To be followed by :

Hannibal, and the Struggle between Carthage and Rome.

By E. A. Freeman, D.C.L., LL.D., Regius Prof, of History in the
University of Oxford.

Alfred the Great, and the First Kingdom in England. By F. York
Powell, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford.

Charles the Bold, and the Attempt to Found a Middle Kingdom.

By R. Lodge, M.A. , Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.

John Calvin, the Hero of the French Protestants. By Owen M.
Edwards, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford.

Oliver Cromwell, and the Rule of the Puritans in England.

By Charles Firth, Balliol College, Oxford.

Marlborough, and England as a Military Power.

By C. W. C. Oman, A.M., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

Julius Caesar, and the Organization of the Roman Empire.

By W. Warde Fowler, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

New York London

»7 AND 39 West Twenty-third Street 27 King William Street, Strand

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